Much attention has been paid recently on ‘Vajpayee years’ in Kashmir since the release of A S Dulat’s book on this topic. Following his own preview of the book via his interviews in the TV channels and the newspapers, there has been a flow of commentaries and responses. However, most of these responses have been revolving around some of the revelations made by Dulat , the former RAW chief, regarding the Indian engagement with the separatist leaders in Kashmir. These revelations relate to what has been the common knowledge in this state about the political economy of militancy and separatism – particularly the fact that huge flow of money has come to benefit a large number of people here during the last two and half decades and the fact that most of the separatist leaders have been helped monetarily and otherwise by the Indian intelligence agencies.
Simply stated
Rekha Chowdhary
With so much focus on the controversial side of the engagement with the separatists and the militant leaders, the real theme of the book, the contribution that Atal Bihari Vajpayee made in building a base of the peace process – has gone out of the frame. Following the title of the book, what should have been brought back to the public memory should have been the magic of Vajpayee vis-a-vis the situation of conflict. Of all the Indian leaders, Vajpayee stands out as the only leader who had the potential of going ‘out of the box’ and treading the path which no one else would have dared to do. Rising above his own political position, he could act like a statesman and provide a vision for tackling the most intricate and complex conflict situation.
It was Vajpayee only who could persist with his efforts of peacemaking with Pakistan despite one or the other set back. Determined as he was to give peace a chance, he could continue following his mission. He took the most challenging initiatives like his bus journey to Lahore and was not put off even when this journey was followed by the Kargil attack. His persistence led to the invite for Musharraf to visit India and despite the debacle in Agra, he did not lose hope, and even after the terrorist attack on Indian Parliament and mobilisation of forces on the border, he was bold enough to pick up the threads and take the initiative once again to offer peace to Pakistan and start a formal dialogue for sustained peace.
In Kashmir, Vajpayee earned such respect for his initiatives that till date he remains as the most loved Indian leader. For conflict-torn and violence ridden valley, Vajpayee years were really the most ‘magical years’ when even the most skeptical Kashmiris had turned hopeful of finding a lasting peace. This was due to the reason that that things were moving in a drastically different and non-conventional manner. Unlike any other period in the recent past, whatever was happening was a reflection of reconciliation and peace. Thus in 2000, following the ceasefire offer by the Hizbul Mujahideen, India had offered unilateral ceasefire with the militants. In 2002, Vajpayee had visited Kashmir and offered dialogue both with Pakistan and with the separatist leaders. In 2003-2004 period, efforts were made to formalise the composite dialogue.
It was in response to all these initiatives that there was major change in the political discourse in Kashmir. Convinced that peace was a possibility, the major idiom that was used in Kashmir was not of ‘azadi’ or resisting India but that of ‘honourable exit’ from the conflict situation. So much pressure was there from below, from the people, in their urge for peace that ‘flexibiity’ marked the responses of the separatists. It is this urge for peace and this context of flexibility that brought the ‘moderate’ factions of the separatists to the centre space, marginalising the hardcore leadership to the fringes. People at that time were so assured that things are going to move forward that they did not have patience for ‘non-negotiable’ positions like that of syed Ali Shah Geelani. Mirwaiz Omar Farooq, was on the contrary, more popular for the reason that his faction represented moderation and flexibility and the possibility of moving away from the hard positions.
It was the magic of Vajpayee that the 2002 election proved to be quite different from the 1996 election. To tackle the Kashmiri scepticism towards electoral process , Vajpayee not only offered a free and fair election but provided a congenial environment for such an election which was held under international glare. Restoring the trust of Kashmiris in the electoral process, was a great achievement. It is since that time that democratic processes have been legitimised and popular participation in elections has been increasing, despite the boycott calls of the separatists.
The defeat of Vajpayee government in 2004 election was a major disappointment for Kashmiris and till date they feel that if he had continued to be at the helm of affairs, peace would have been established. The effect of the Vajpayee magic, however, started coming off in a few years’ time. And as post-2007 developments in Kashmir have shown, there has been a complete reversal in the gains made so far. The separatist assertion during three consecutive years of 2008-2010 reflected the change of the mood and the political discourse in Kashmir. It is this change which is echoed in the renewed scepticism and cynicism. Most significantly there has been a reorientation of the youth, especially the educated ones in the separatist politics. With moderation having lost the space and dialogue having lost its credibility, the moderate leadership has been sidelined and its space has been overtaken by very hardcore and rigid leadership.
If Vajpayee years were the years of hope, the post-Vajpayee years can be defined as years of renewed scepticism and cynicism in Kashmir.
(Feedback welcome at
rekchowdhary@gmail.com)
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