Anil Anand
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is the political arm of the Rashtriya Sawayamsevak Sangh (RSS) which is a well-known fact. The BJP draws its power from Nagpur headquarters of the RSS is also a well-established fact. So, ideally speaking there should never be a dichotomous situation so far as RSS-BJP relationship is concerned as the line of power is crystal clear. But still it is one of the oft-discussed topics in the political annals of the country and among political analysts.
Is RSS really calling the shots? This was the question foremost in discussion during the regime of Atal Bihari Vajpayee who had in some sense of the term acquired image of a liberal with stories of keeping the RSS top brass at bay in the matter of governmental decisions. But in the hindsight it seemed more mythical than anything else as there are umpteen examples where he had to bow before the wishes of RSS if not in its entirety.
The question has again cropped up. In fact this question has acquired a new dimension vis-a-vis Prime Minister Narendra Modi with reports every now and then that RSS-BJP or RSS-Modi relations have soured and that the latter because of his indomitable position is dictating terms to the former. It sounds as mythical as oft-repeated pronouncements that RSS is an apolitical body focusing only on cultural nationalism.
A detailed peep into the RSS-BJP relationship during over three years rule of Modi dispensation makes it amply clear that the saffron outfit is having the best time ever. First and foremost Modi unlike his more illustrious predecessor Vajpayee has no qualms in publically owning and proudly fancying his days as RSS pracharak thereby giving a strong impression to his parent organisation that he stays to be one of their own.
There is no confusion in Modi’s mind about his real identity which makes it easier for him to function accordingly which might not be to the liking of his political detractors. The gelling of Prime Minister Modi with RSS is superb the reason being he has been viewing everything relating to governance and polity through the RSS’s prism which was not the case during Vajpayee-Advani era.
So a Bharat Mazdoor Sangh, the labour arm of RSS, or a Swadeshi Jagran Manch occasionally protesting against the policies of the Modi government is being misconstrued as either RSS rebellion against him or souring of relations between RSS and BJP. These at best can be described as either aberrations or outfits such as BMS and SJM trying to fulfil their moral obligations in the eyes of their supporters.
Politically speaking from Kashmir to Arunachal, in the literal sense, the RSS stamp is affixed all over the BJP’s political strategies. It will not be wrong to state that the well-oiled RSS machinery represented by scores of its frontal organisation has played a stellar role in ensuring BJP’s electoral victories across the country which has been duly recognised by Modi but with a rider that he is supreme in the ultimate scheme of things. And that his name sells.
The BJP’s most exciting electoral victory after 2014 Lok Sabha election was the master-stroke in Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections. Not only the scintillating victory, result of a caste engineering of a different kind resulting in unification of Hindu samaj for poll purposes, but also subsequent event of Yogi Adityanath, a non-MLA becoming chief minister all through had an RSS imprint.
It is now a widely known fact that Union Minister Manoj Sinha, a former BHU president, was Modi’s choice for UP chief ministership. But the RSS willed the other way round and in came Adityanath. The Yogi barely 45 year old is also being seen as the RSS’s line of transition to the Prime Minister’s post as and when the occasion arises.
Post-2014 in almost all the states where BJP won elections, only those with strong RSS links were selected as the candidates as most of them had either worked with Modi during his days as pracharak. Assuming even if some of them were not RSS top brass’s choice but they had no objection on any of the chief ministerial names simply because none was an outsider.
If the then RSS chief K S Sudarshan forced last minute changes in the list of probables for a cabinet reshuffle by landing at Prime Minister Vajpayee’s residence in the dead of night, its current chief Mohan Bhagwat succeeded in getting high-profile and aggressive Samriti Irani removed from the Human Resource Development Ministry. She was replaced by the RSS favourite Prakash Javdekar. This is not the solitary example of its kind.
Appointment of RSS ideologue and Rajya Sabha MP Vinay Sahasrabuddhe as president of the high-profile Indian Council of Cultural Relations few days back is another strong indication of RSS’s comfort zone with Modi. This is certainly not the last appointment of a RSS person to the top posts under Government of India nor was the first. During the last over three years persons with strong RSS connections were appointed as heads of various other important organisations that included National Book Trust, Indira Gandhi National Centre for Arts, Prasar Bharati and Indian Institute of Mass Communication to name a few.
The relationship between Modi and RSS has traversed quite a distance since June 2013 when he was appointed as head of BJP’s campaign for Lok Sabha elections at the party’s Goa National Executive meeting. The RSS had reluctantly given its assent.
The RSS had certain areas of disagreement during the first two years of Modi rule such as his unscheduled visit to Pakistan. But these disagreements soon gave way to a broader undisclosed agreement the basis of which was that none had a better option other than the each other.
While speculations about a chasm between RSS and Modi are unlikely to get ebbed, more of bonhomie between the two will be on course in the run up to next round of assembly elections that includes BJP ruled Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh leading up to Lok Sabhs elections-2019.
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