‘Soft trifurcation’ of the State

Dr. Gopal Parthasarthi Sharma
The conspicuous absence of the state Chief Minister in diffusing recent communal tension in Jammu province, Cabinet Ministers’ discordant relations with their junior colleagues over high profile transfers, a lackluster 100th day celebrations, Ministers versus bureaucrats spats on transfers and an overall atmosphere of indifference towards each other may be looked at as a part of the teething problems of the new coalition government in the state. While those supporting either of the two political outfits constituting the coalition may be hoping this phase to be over soon, the opposition parties are hinting towards an untimely demise of the Government. They seem to be upbeat about the seeds of destruction inherent in the Government as any faceoff on regional issue/s may culminate into a mid-term poll. Apart from these two sets of inferences drawn from the present situation there is yet another perspective that hints towards an undeclared ‘soft trifurcation’ of the state under present regime.
The term ‘soft trifurcation’ may add to the already bewildering cacophony about the future of the state but it is a reality that is being accomplished very fast. Although the idea of trifurcation of the state has been mooted by many in the past there have been no serious takers for various reasons. Nationalists are averse to the idea because they think if Kashmir is separated from Jammu division it will go away. Separatists do not want it because that will dilute their issue and they fear of being cornered in such an event. Those from Kashmir used to ruling the state in old fashioned manner don’t like the idea as they will lose scope of exploiting Jammu region. So the idea had been there since long but none of the stakeholders could take a decisive stand on the issue and status quo remained the best bet. Hence, the state is still holding together despite glaring differences in terms of geography, climate, language, culture, cuisine, religion and idea of the nation and national identity.
If the stories in public domain are to be believed, the present coalition is working on an unwritten agreement under which ministers from the two main regions i.e. Jammu and Kashmir will work in their respective areas and they will mot transgress each other’s area. This has been substantiated by the fact that a Cabinet Minister from Jammu region had to apologize to his junior colleague from valley for ordering some key transfers related to Kashmir region and had to retract and fall in line with the unwritten agenda of coalition. Here is a situation where Ministers of State are enjoying almost absolute powers in the region they represent. This is for the first time that the two main regions have shared power equitably although under political compulsions of forging a coalition.
Minister of state for education Priya Sethi is quite active in Jammu region while Cabinet Minister Naeem Akhtar is more visible in the Kashmir division. While the firebrand leader and Cabinet Minister for Health, Ch. Lal Singh is more aggressive and vocal in Jammu region he has given more space to his junior colleague Ms. Asiya Naquash in the Kashmir division where his presence is comparatively less aggressive. Although the senior ministers may be taking bigger decisions on their own they have given considerable freedom to the junior ministers to handle their respective divisions. This was not the case in earlier governments where junior ministers hardly had any say in the governance. They had to request for favors to the senior ministers even for a minor transfer. Same is the story with other key ministries like public works, revenue, health, etc. that have been bifurcated between the two regions. This division of powers may not be a well thought out coalition strategy but seems to emanate from political compulsion of running a coalition govt. with equally strong partners inimical and allergic to each other.
Even in the past a number of directorates were bifurcated in the state for administrative reasons keeping in view public convenience but it is for the first time that the ministries have been bifurcated on regional lines. The transfers to the state cadre posts are being made on regional considerations by the ministers confirming an undeclared soft trifurcation of the state. This clearly shows that there is a lack of mutual understanding between the people of the two regions and due to cultural and linguistic differences it is practically impossible to work in each other’s areas. The political leadership does not want to acknowledge this difference publically but in practicality this thing is being actually implemented.
The severest opposition to this emerging soft and subtle regional divide is coming from the old guard represented by the Kashmir dominated bureaucracy. The recent spat involving the Deputy Chief Minister and the Chief Secretary over certain inter-departmental transfers is a testimony to the resistance coming from those who do not want change. This is just a beginning of a bigger divide and we expect more such showdowns between those for the change and those against it.
Whatever may be the compulsions for the two coalition partners in pursuing this strategy it seems to be a good move for the people of the two regions as they are getting better attention from the Government. This will also make individual ministers more accountable as they will be working in those areas where their future electoral fate is to be decided.
The most advantageous position will be that of Jammu division as it has been complaining of exploitation on all counts and now the Ministries meant for this region will certainly demand for an equitable share of funds from the state. This may not go well with those sitting in the highest echelons of bureaucracy as they are used to work in the old fashioned system that hardly had any transparency. This will also help in maintaining a good rapport with people as ministers will be more accessible.
The undeclared ‘soft trifurcation’ that is being pursued by the present dispensation may ultimately lead to a situation where the state has two fully functional secretariats and a bigger cabinet vertically divided between the two regions. Isn’t it amusing that in this Jammu versus Kashmir divide the third constituent of the state ‘Ladakh’ is being completely missed out. In fact that region is more interested in having a special status and is looking towards centre for a fair deal in the form of Union territory status to complete the process of ‘soft trifurcation’.

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