Manu Khajuria
The two state holidays that stand out on the Jammu Kashmir calendar are Sheikh Abdullah’s birth anniversary on 5th December and what is called Martyr’s Day on the 13th of July. In the absence of civic commomerations for public figures and historical events important to Jammu Province, both these days blatantly promote a certain political ideology and a version of history of only one people and one region. These two days, with impunity, deny the other provinces and stakeholders an equal voice, the right to disagree, and their history.
The unfortunate events around 13th July,1931, saw pre planned communal riots and eventually lead to the the unfortunate deaths of 22 civilians. The state which has been governed by successive Kashmir centric political parties has chosen to remember the incidents of 1931 as Martyrs Day in memory of the 21 people who lost their lives during the clashes with the State Forces. The state forces were mainly made up of people from Jammu Province, both Hindus and Muslims in equal numbers and on the other hand the Kashmiri civilians who died were rioting and attempting to break enter the Central Jail in Srinagar as a manner of protest.
It was also a day which saw many acts of barbarism committed against Hindus in the Valley. The seeds of hatred against the Dogra community were sown in the guise of an anti Monarchy movement. Strikingly this public holiday takes no note of the transgressions against Hindus of the Valley and the Dogra community.
Martyrs day is really a Black day for Kashmiri Pandits and the people of Jammu Province.
The choice of name for this day and the particular rememberance, points at the practice of a single story always being peddled for a very diverse state. This single story does not represent all the people of Jammu and Kashmir. This commomeration and the celebration of one of the architects of 13th July 1931, Sheikh Abdullah is not for all JKians. The fact that this day has state patronage and is a Government holiday is a reflection of the communal and regionalistic politics being played in the state for the last seven decades. Successive state governments have not been ‘of all the people’ and ‘for all the people’.
What happened on 13th July 1931 was the unfortunate death of the 22 rioters, followed by the rape and loot of the Hindus in the valley and the start of a virulent anti Dogra campaignwhich culminated in the Quit Kashmir movement against them. All this was unleashed by non state actors like Abdul Qadir, and state actors like Sheikh Abdullah and his cohorts. It was masterminded by British officer Wakefield and aided and abetted by the Political Department of the British Indian Government.
What 13th July did, was bring to a grinding halt a gradual process of democratisation that had been planned and initiated by a just Monarch, Maharaja Hari Singh, keeping in mind the changing times. It became a blot in the history of the state because it saw the use of religion and religious spaces for sedition, instigating riots and sowing seeds of hatred between communities and regions which had co existed harmoniously for almost a century.
What it was not, was a freedom struggle against ‘foreign occupation’ or monarchy as it is touted by the popular Kashmiri narrative. A narrative supported by Pakistan. The official Pakistani defence website carries a voluble blog on this very subject.
Martyrs day is also a glaring example of the half truths and one sided stories the popular narrative on Jammu Kashmir rests on. The tacit state support of the same with a complete disregard of all the rightful stakeholders, has been a trend which is proving dangerous for the state and its pluralistic fabric.
The premise of this particular day involves allegations of a despotic Dogra rule which are unfair and blindside the many developmental and progressive works introduced by the Dogra Maharajas in Kashmir. There were some brilliant economic and educational reforms brought in. The opening up of education by Maharaja Pratap Singh and Maharaja Hari Singh to the disadvantaged sections of the society in a way gave birth to the Muslim Reading Club in Kashmir and the desire of immediate social upward mobility in its members. The infamous Reading Club went on to become a hotbed for sedition and communal politics, as its members like Sheikh Abdullah wanted immediate favourable returns for their education. New jobs could not be created instantly and it became an excuse for the fomenting of an anti Dogra sentiment.
The allegations alluding to a rule that discriminated based on religion, are malicious and conveniently miss the fact that there was no demographic change, forced conversions or exodus during the hundred year Hindu Dogra rule, a credit to the state’s inclusive policies and governance.
The oft cited Treaty of Amritsar is presented in a manner to suit the popular narrative of ‘foreign occupation’ of Kashmir. It ignores the fact that Kashmir had been under Afghan, Mughal and Sikh rule previously which were all tyrannical. The inability of Lahore Courts to pay war indemnity saw them selling off their territories. Kashmir valley a small land mass in relation to the vast state the Dogras of Jammu heartland founded, was acquired because of Maharaja Gulab Singh’s proven administrative skills and came after the bloody battle of Maisuma which eventually overthrew the corrupt Governor Sheikh Imam Ud Din. Sheikh Imam Ud Din had unleashed a reign of terror and religious persecution in Kashmir. The acquisition of the Valley came at a high price in terms of both the men lost to battle and the money given to the Britishers. The wheels had been set in motion for the founding of the state long before the Treaty of Amritsar.The Dogra role in building of the Sikh Empire, superb consolidation and governance of Jammu Hills, Maharaja Gulab Singh’s brilliant statesmanship and the military prowess of his generals are undeniable historical facts in the building of the state. Most importantly it was after the Treaty of Amritsar and Dogra Rule that Kashmir first saw stability and peace in a long time.
The Britishers in fact had begun to regret the passing of The Valley of Kashmir into the Dogra hands immediately after the Treaty Of Amritsar. The consolidation of territories and the founding of a state 80,806 sq miles in size, over which Britain did not have total and direct control was making them unhappy. The growing power of the Russian Empire and the geo-strategic importance of the Dogra State of Jammu and Kashmir which included the northern most frontiers of Gilgit and Skardu increased their urgency tochange the current status quo.
Not new to intrigue the British political department had previously tried to depose the predecessor of Maharaja Hari Singh, Maharaja Pratap Singh on the grounds of alleged collusion with a ‘ foreign power’. The plan to have him surrender power to a Council of Regency was foiled when the plot was exposed by Amrita Bazar Patrika of Calcutta in its famous article titled, Condemned Unheard’. The Political Department had to back down but they clearly did not give up on their plans for Jammu Kashmir.
The birth of an heir to Maharaja Hari Singh on 9th March 1931 meant that the Doctrine of Lapse could not be applied to usurp the Princely state. Wide spread celebrations in the state by all communities, followed the announcements of the birth of the Yuvraj, in Jammu and Srinagar further worried the British. Prayers were offered in temples,mosques and gurudwaras.
The last straw came in the form of Maharaja Hari Singh’s remarkably patriotic speech in the Round Table Conference in London demanding equality and respect for India ” as Indians and loyal to the land whence they derived their birth and infant nurture, the Prince’s stood solidly as the rest of their countrymen for India’s enjoyment of a position of honour and equality in the British Commonwealth of Nations”.
The plan to force the state to surrender to British supremacy and seek revenge from Maharaja Hari Singh intensified. Wakefield the British Political officer in Jammu Kashmir orchestrated a game to overthrow the Dogra rule. It saw the extension of the divide and rule policy of British in Jammu Kashmir, the use of both state and non state actors and a heady mix of religion and political machinations. The religious authority of Mirwaiz Mohammad Yousuf Shah and political ambitions of Sheikh Abdullah were put to good use by Wakefield.
A series of events, some exaggerated and baseless rumours further vitiated the atmosphere. The vicious Punjabi media via its vernacular papers published from Lahore added fuel to the fire. Sheikh Abdullah’s fiery speeches delivered to large audiences in various mosques drove communal tensions to a peak in early 1930s.
The state was already sitting on a tinderbox when the mysterious Abdul Qadir who had entered the state as a cook of an European traveller made a seditious speech in Khanquah-e-Mohalle Mosque for which he was apprehended on June 25th 1931. This was followed by a hurried meeting called by the members of the infamous Reading Room Party at Jama Masjid where Sheikh Abdullah asked for Kashmiris to be prepared for any kind of sacrifice for the cause of Islam. On the evening of 12th July Sheikh Abdullah from the Gaukadal Mosque instigated the crowds to gather at the Jail gates and protest.
This lead to a situation where thousands of people tried to get inside the jail premises on 13th July. They resorted to stoning officials, cutting off telephone lines and setting fire to police quarters. Some prisoners were set free, firearms were snatched and police personnel were injured. When lathi charge proved ineffective and there was rampant anarchy and arson the orders to fire were given by the District Magistrate and the Inspector General of Police as a last resort.
The series of events that day included what clearly looked like pre-planned rioting and mayhem in which Hindus were targeted. Hindu traders of Maharajganj were attacked and all Hindu shops from Bohrikadal to Alikadal were raided. Vicharnag situated five miles from Srinagar and inhabited by the minority community saw hours of bloodshed and riots, barbarism and rape of Kashmiri Pandit women.
13th July 1931 changed the state forever and is a Black Day. Marking it as Martyrs Day whilst ignoring its complete truth, upholds a certain behaviour which has only spelt trouble for Kashmir and rest of the state. 13 th July 1931 was about violent protests which had a clear communal and regional angle. It saw the use of religious spaces to make political and seditious speeches. It involved stoning and attacking military and police pickets, snatching of firearms from Police personnel, arson and loot of public property.
The spin on the 13th July 1931 incidents and the holiday on 5th Dec which celebrates Sheikh Abdullah in the absence of similar celebrations for the birth anniversary of Maharaja Hari Singh, the coronation of Maharaja Gulab Singh and the founding of the state or celebration of the day Instrument of Accession was signed is a clear indication of which way the cookie crumbles. The religious and ethnic minorities of the state have been purposely stripped off their sense of identity, history and legacy. Civic commomerations which are vital for community cohesion remain exclusive. History has been distorted and through these celebrations all stories and identities have been blurred into one, and the very people who built this state disassociated from its past, present and future.
All of the above has not been called out. This has given birth to a monster that only grows stronger in the face of reward and lack of punishment. The evil born has eaten away the Kashmiri Pandits from their homeland, oppressed the people of Jammu Province and does not stop from snuffing out dissenting voices from the Valley. The encouragement of dangerous patterns of behaviour must stop. An inclusive approach must adopted while skewed agenda driven narratives challenged. Let us make space for people’s hero’s but most of all let’s get our heros from villains right.
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