Lt Gen Bhopinder Singh
There is a consensus across the electorate in Duggar lands that the Jammu region and the larger Dogra identity has been taken for granted in the national imagination. It has, and the consequences are visible in the abject lack of socio-economic development of the Jammu region. There are historical, political and personality-based reasons for the diminishment of focus towards the Jammu region in the immediate aftermath of independence, but none that justifies as to why it should have lingered on, for so long. The glorious days when the Ruler of the erstwhile J&K Princely State could openly say and mean every word of his statement, “As a ruler, I have no religion, and all religions are mine and my religion is justice”. Ironically, it was the pre-independence Dogra Kingdom that had voluntary anchorages of secularity, progressiveness and parity amongst all its regions – as opposed to the subsequent times of Constitutional India which mandated those very instincts.
Belabouring the point of inequity and bias beyond a point is counterproductive. That it is not the only reason for the ignorance of the Jammu region, is the more pertinent point. That Jammu region has sadly emerged as a binary alternative to Kashmir Valley for all practical understanding, is the only narrative that has emerged and sustained in the national understanding. It is too simplistic, petty and unfair a generalization as it is tantamount to conflating religion and ethnicity to the respective identities of Jammu Region and Kashmir Valley. Jammu region and the Dogra identity has far more complexities, richness and counter-intuitive layers beyond such reductive picture – as the larger Dogra identity is composed of a multi religious, multicultural, multicasteist and multiethnic denominations, than what is popularly believed. But politicians practice the principal of ‘divide and rule’, and therefore, instead of positing inclusivism and holism onto a people and geography a more sinister and divisive ploy of exclusivism and differentiation is dialed-up. No region has paid a greater price for falling for this reductive trap, than Jammu itself – it has electorally allowed itself to accept a far smaller and pettier identity for itself, than what is warranted by history, geography and its underlying reality. Ironically, many even believe that a even further reduced expanse to just the Jammu region (like the vivisection of Ladakh) would benefit – history suggests that such small thinking i.e. balkanization, is a slippery slope without an end, as people will then get into carving even sharper territories till they ultimately disappear and implode with their territorial and numerical insignificance.
While the Kashmir Valley had remained the cynosure of the nation owing to wounded accession, restive borders and the recurring wars with Pakistan and later with the Pakistan-sponsored insurgent movement – Jammu was all along a silent witness and acquiesce to its own fading. But beyond the Pakistani-sponsored dynamics, the Valley witnessed an interesting phenomenon of ‘competitive politics’ amongst a host of predominantly Valley-centric regional parties and their coalitions, whereas Jammu remained anchored earlier in the first four decades within the one specific national party and broadly the next three decades with another national partisan persuasion. This bore vibrancy in the politics of Kashmir Valley versus the fixated moorings of the Jammu region, wherein the Kashmir folks kept their local politicians on their toes, ensuring that they delivered and could not be taken for granted, ever – Jammu remained ‘loyal’ to its chosen persuasion and their ‘national causes’, with little to showcase for having secured anything substantial for Jammu region itself. Jammu could have put itself for ‘tactical voting’ with the various regional or national parties in order to secure a bargain for itself, but it remained mesmerised by ‘national winds’ to such an extent, that if forgot itself. The national parties have obviously been more than content with Jammu’s passivity, voicelessness and ‘loyalty’. In short, both in the first four decades and in the next 3 decades or so, Jammu was taken for granted and for painting national optics that served immeasurably in the ‘rest of India’ as opposed to anything tangible between Lakhanpur and Banihal Tunnel.
Jammu emerged as the regrettable showpiece of national binarity, only that the much resonating and discussed moves like the abrogation of Article 370 etc., have not changed the basic fate of infrastructure, employment, social development goals or investments for the Jammu region. Basically, Jammu has not been able to wrangle anything substantial for itself, thundering chest-thumping, goads and promises from Delhi, notwithstanding.
Another striking feature of Jammu Region has been the complete absence of any meaningful regional party or platform, of any consequence – this was not the case with other regions which had parties cutting across all societal, religious and castiest divides e.g., Uttrakhand Kranti Dal, Telangana Rashtra Samithi etc., or even movements that may not have secured States or Union Territories but still managed a ‘bargain’ with their unity e.g., Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, All Bodo Students Union etc. Jammu meanwhile played the second fiddle for national parties, without any quid pro quo for itself.
Neighbouring State of Himachal Pradesh which shares much of history, cultural and societal affiliation with the Jammu Region, with large tracts of modern day Himachal Pradesh part of the former Jammu-based Dogra rule, has been much smarter with its politics and the governance pressure it exerted on its politicians. The so-called Rivaaz (tradition) of alternating with the two national parties has put unbelievable pressure on all parties to deliver on promises, as it refuses to be taken for granted. The Congress may be a poor shadow of itself today and their national leadership was conspicuous with its absence, yet it offered the beleaguered Congress a ‘chance’ to perceptibly manage a State better than other states, as the race for 2024 national elections start. Irrespective of whoever ultimately wins 2024, Himachal Pradesh Government has to deliver for the Congress party to remain relevant till then. Imagine the pressure exerted by Himachali electorate on the national government that it took no less than the Prime Minister himself to announce Rs 1,500 crore AIIMS at Bilaspur, Rs 400 crore PGI satellite centre at Una, Rs 350 crore medical college at Hamiprur, Rs 550 crore Central University, Rs 200 crore IIIT and Rs 175 crore Hydro Engineering College, Bilaspur etc. The list of doles promised and delivered to Himachal Pradesh versus the Jammu region, which incidentally has been aligned to the Centre from 7th Jan to now (either as a Coalition partner or Governors Rule), is a shocking contrast.
There is much to introspect and learn about the lack of local regional platforms, tactical-voting, alternating governments etc., then beating the same stuck record of Jammu versus the Valley binary, that can be consumed, distracted and wasted emotions. If anything Jammu region should dream about a larger role (territorial, psychological and political) and not a lessened role for itself.
(The author is former Lt. Governor of Andaman & Nicobar Islands & Puducherry)
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