A Historic Bond with India

Dr Bharti Gupta

On the 26th of October, India celebrates a historic milestone in its history – the Jammu and Kashmir Accession Day. This day marks the accession of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir to India in 1947. At the time of independence in 1947, the Indian subcontinent was in the midst of a tumultuous period. The British Empire was retreating from the region, and leading to the partition of Bharat into two independent nations, India and Pakistan. This partition was accompanied by large-scale communal violence and displacement, making the period highly turbulent. In this atmosphere, the princely states of India had the option to accede to either India or Pakistan. Jammu and Kashmir was then ruled by Dogra ruler Maharaja, Hari Singh. The Maharaja initially sought to maintain the standstill agreement with either of the dominions. The princely state entered into the standstill agreement with Pakistan. And the same however was not signed by the then Government of India.

Accession Day Special

As the Pakistan army in the guise of tribal militias from Pakistan’s Northwest Frontier Province invaded Jammu and Kashmir in October 1947, the situation in the state became critical. Facing imminent danger, Maharaja Hari Singh sought assistance from India and signed the Instrument of Accession on 26 October 1947. This move formalized the union of Jammu and Kashmir with the newly formed Union of India, giving India control over defense, foreign affairs, and communications in the region.
The events leading to accession were, however, not as simple as stated above. There is a need to understand the role of the British behind the bloodiest partition of Bharat; and their hands in glove with Pakistan in the first attack by a few months old dominion on J&K with the aim to capture the Maharaja and forcibly get Kashmir.
The initial impact of World War II on Britain was a significant weakening of its global dominance. Emerging superpowers, such as the USA and Russia, had assumed control of international affairs, leading to the erosion of British influence. This realization prompted the British to reassess their stance on India, as they recognized that the era of indefinite colonial control was coming to an end. Nonetheless, by this juncture, their policy of “divide and rule” had already begun to yield results. Recognizing the need to maintain a grip on the subcontinent while anticipating potential future tensions in the northern region, the British strategized to partition India into a more manageable entity. This division ultimately led to the creation of Pakistan; a smaller state intended to serve British interests when necessary.
Further, prior to and during World War II, British authorities demonstrated a significant interest in the Pamirs region, which encompasses areas like Gilgit, Chitral, Hunza, and the Wakhan Corridor. Their actions underscored the strategic importance of this region. However, in the post-World War II era, despite their enduring interest, the British found themselves unable to materialize their aspirations in this area. Consequently, they formulated a contingency plan, marked by the partition of India and the creation of a vulnerable Pakistan, which was intended to secure their influence in this region. This plan served as their alternative strategy to maintain a foothold in the Pamirs region.
The British were singularly devoted to their objective of incorporating Jammu and Kashmir into Pakistan. To facilitate this goal, they took several strategic steps, including the effective demilitarization of the Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP) and the Gilgit region. Major Brown’s planting in Gilgit was part of this broader strategy. Moreover, they ensured that even after the formal departure of the British from the subcontinent, all key military positions, such as the six chiefs of the Indian and Pakistani Army, Navy, and Air Force, as well as the Commander-in-Chief and the Supreme Commander, were held by British officers. All of these actions were meticulously orchestrated to set the stage for the execution of their plan, with Jammu and Kashmir at its epicentre.
These are not speculative claims; they are well-documented facts corroborated by a highly confidential letter signed by General Messervey, the British Chief of the Pakistan Army, on August 18, 1947. This letter contained operational instructions for “Operation Gulmarg,” a covert operation designed to forcibly annex Jammu and Kashmir. This definitive account of the British conspiracy is detailed in Major General OS Kalkat’s book, “The Far-Flung Frontiers.” In his book, Major General Kalkat vividly recounts how he stumbled upon this crucial information. On the morning of August 20, 1947, he opened a classified letter marked “Top Secret” and “Personal for Commander.” Within this letter was an appendix outlining “Operation Gulmarg,” a comprehensive plan for invading and capturing Kashmir, with the operation scheduled for October 22, 1947. This revelation placed Major General Kalkat’s life in grave danger.
In an extraordinary tale of survival, Major General Kalkat managed to escape from Pakistani territory. Upon reaching Delhi, he urgently met with officials, including Major General Thapar, who was acting as the Director of Military Operations, and Brigadier Kalwant Singh. He was subsequently taken to meet with India’s Defense Minister, Sardar Baldev Singh. The intelligence community, while initially skeptical, interrogated him extensively but with an increasing awareness of the gravity of the situation. The confirmation of the attack on October 22 further substantiated the authenticity of the information, prompting Major General Kalkat’s retrieval and transfer to Delhi for further debriefing.
Within this conspiracy, Pakistan had already initiated an economic blockade against Jammu and Kashmir, a clear violation of the standstill agreement that had been previously established between Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan. Notably, the Indian government did not enter into a similar standstill agreement with the state of Jammu and Kashmir, though it had done so with the State of Hyderabad. In the face of this economic blockade, essential supplies such as salt, soap, sugar, cloth, food grains, gasoline, and kerosene oil were abruptly cut off. Maharaja Hari Singh, recognizing the dire situation, made repeated appeals to Pakistan to honor the standstill agreement and maintain the status quo. Unfortunately, these appeals fell on deaf ears as the Pakistani leadership reneged on their earlier promises.
Adding to the state’s distress, Prime Minister Nehru began to tighten the screws on Maharaja Hari Singh simultaneously. Driven by an egoistic zeal, Nehru declined the Maharaja’s pleas for essential commodities, which were now in critically short supply due to the crisis. Nehru’s sole condition for providing these necessary supplies was the release and appointment of Sheikh Abdullah as the head of the State administration. This condition is evident in a letter from Nehru dated October 20, 1947, received by Mehar Chand Mahajan, who was serving as the Prime Minister of the state at the time. This 300-word letter from Nehru unequivocally refused to provide crucial supplies to the beleaguered state.
Upon receiving information about the concentration of invading forces near Muzaffarabad from refugees who had personally met with him, the Prime Minister of the State, Mehr Chand Mahajan, promptly conveyed these details to the Maharaja. In response, the Maharaja sent a cable to the British Prime Minister, Clement Attlee, seeking assistance and intervention. However, no response was ever received from the British leader. On the 18th of October, the Maharaja initiated contact with two key figures: Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of Pakistan, and Pakistan’s Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan. While Liaquat Ali Khan responded, alleging atrocities against Muslims within the State, Jinnah’s reply was less than satisfactory. Jinnah’s response primarily focused on finding a resolution, to common sense, entailed aligning with Pakistan.
On the morning of October 22, 1947, as the city’s residents lay peacefully asleep in their beds, a column of frenzied invaders launched a sudden assault on Muzaffarabad. The commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel Narain Singh, was alerted by the sounds of gunfire emanating from across the bridge. The news of the invasion and the plunder of Muzaffarabad had been urgently communicated by Lieutenant Narain Singh over the wireless to the headquarters in Srinagar.
In this critical moment, the Maharaja, displaying unwavering courage, donned his combat uniform and expressed his intent to lead his men personally at the front. In response, Brigadier Rajinder Singh, the Chief of Staff,J&K Forces, volunteered to go to the front himself, allowing the Maharaja to deal with matters in Delhi. Brigadier Rajinder Singh’s presence on the front lines, alongside his fellow soldiers, stands as an extraordinary testament to his unmatched courage and leadership initiative, a rarity for an officer of his rank and stature. He and his troops at locations like Garhi, Uri, Mahura, Kohala, and Baramulla proved to be a formidable obstacle for the invading forces, significantly delaying their progress.
On the 25th of October, in Delhi, the Defense Committee convened a meeting under the chairmanship of Governor-General Lord Mountbatten. While the committee unanimously recognized the necessity of dispatching troops, it resolved to await communication from V.P. Menon. Subsequently, upon V.P. Menon’s return to Delhi on the 26th of October, the Cabinet Committee reconvened. It was determined that assistance could only be provided once the Maharaja had formally signed the Instrument of Accession. V.P. Menon promptly flew back to Jammu on the same day to obtain the signed Instrument of Accession. In a momentous event on the 26th of October, 1947, at Amar Mahal in Jammu, the Maharaja affixed his signature to the Instrument of Accession with India. With this historic act, the state of Jammu and Kashmir seamlessly became an integral part of India.
Upon receiving V.P. Menon’s message in Delhi on the evening of October 26, Lord Mountbatten and the Defense Committee approved the deployment of the Indian Army. While the British authorities were not entirely pleased with this decision, they had no alternative, as it was imperative for them to maintain an appearance of fairness.
On Accession Day, our deepest gratitude is owed to the valiant Men in Action who played an instrumental role in defending us against the invading forces. We also owe our deepest gratitude to the Maharaja, whose final decision to unite with India instead of opting for Pakistan was made with our well-being in mind.
Further, the accession of Jammu and Kashmir stands as a powerful testament to India’s unwavering commitment to safeguarding its territorial integrity. In the face of external aggression, the state’s accession highlights India’s resolute determination to defend its sovereignty. The integration of Jammu and Kashmir into the Indian Union represented a pivotal milestone in the journey towards a united nation. The revocation of the state’s special status, which had previously been granted under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution in 2019, further aligned it with the rest of the country.
(The author is Assistant Professor,
Department of Tourism and Travel Management, Central University of Jammu)