Hurriyat Disintegration-What it means

B L Saraf
Mirwaiz    faction  of the Hurriyat  has  split.   Shabir  Ahmad Shah, Azam  Inqlabi, Nayeem Khan    and Muhammad Yousuf   Naqash    have  walked out  and formed  3rd  faction, calling     it  Hurriyat Conference Jammu & Kashmir  ( HC J K)   which they claim  is the  real  Hurriyat.    It was in 1993 that  about   twenty six  political and religious  organisations , in Kashmir,   came together to fight for the secession   of  the State  from India and work for Pakistan,  apparently peacefully;  and called  the conglomerate   All Parties Hurriyat Conference -APHC.  At that  time when nearly thirty thousand  armed militants  were busy creating mayhem  across the Valley  in the name of   religion and  secession. However, the inherent contradictions  and  clash   of egos  of the leaders  surfaced soon and things started to fall out.   It is no secret that the main characters of the organisation  were never made for one another;  the armed aspect of the movement kept these disparate men together  for some time.    With the steady decline in  the armed struggle the differences  began  to  tell   upon the  artificial   glue. In 2002   a major   fission  developed in the  combine  which led to its vertical  division    and  birth of Hurriayat  (G)  and  Hurriyat  ( M )  –  factions led by  Syed Ali Shah  Geelani  and  Mirwaiz  Omar  Farooq, respectively.
Shabir Shah and his men have a grouse against the  Mirwaiz that he did not admonish Prof  Abdul Gani Bhat  when latter  declared that U.N Resolutions on Kashmir have become redundant and impracticable. They say that    implementation of  these  Resolutions  to settle the “Kashmir    dispute”   is  the bedrock  of  Hurriyat’s constitution.  Another  charge against   Omar Farooq   is that he has made  Hurriyat top heavy and refused to democratise it .   Well ,  Shabir Shah’s allegation that Mirwaiz didn’t democratise his faction  is like ‘ Devil quoting scriptures’. There  is nothing    to suggest   that Shabir Shah & Co are great believers   in    democracy. On the contrary, there are sufficient  indications available to say thatthey, like  most of  the  tribe,   are  quite  opposed to the idea  of locals participating in the   electionswhich is  an  integral component of any  democratic process. The first statement they made in Baramulla  was to  call for  boycott  of   upcoming   Parliamentary  Polls.  Prof  Bhat   has   long back  put forth his redundancy discourse on U N Resolutions    and  the matter   was fully   debated in the Kashmir intellectual circle-always sympathetic to the separatist’s cause.  Much was said on both  sides. None, however,   blamed  Bhat of blasphemy for advancing the                     ‘redundancy theory ‘.   In fact  this  was the view of Gen  Parvez  Musharraf, held when he presided over the affairs in Pakistan  and , as a substitute,  came up with his Four Point   formula to settle the issue. As for as we know,  except Ali Shah Geelani, none of the Hurriyat leaders opposed him. How come  now  it has suddenly become a serious issue to rock the Mirwaiz’s boat ?.
Given  the  disparate  nature   of the  political ideology of its components, fierce egos,    emphasis  on   Suffism in   religious belief of  vast majority of  the  Kashmiris and the non -achievable goal, set for itself, the Hurriyat experiment was bound to fail.  To   a   keen observer of  Kashmir politics , especially of the separatist kind ,  the truth was   evident. Time and again, the  Hurriyat   leader, of  all hues,  have been subjected  to   the   serious criticism   on their political and personal conduct.  About the Hurriyat Conference   there is a   general refrain   “Rather than  solving  the vexed Kashmir problem the  Hurriyat Conference has  confined itself to the plush offices , seminars and occasional selective foreign tours. That it has stuck to obsolete  ideas   with no attempt to look for  a new adjustable blue print.”
Disintegration of Hurriyat may   be a set back to the separatist movement, but  it  has  a lesson for India and the  mainstream politics in J&K,  to be learnt  in a positive perspective. The  diminished   Hurriyat influence, correspondingly, puts a heavy burden on GOI to   address  the problem in  Kashmir. First  and foremost is that don’t keep the vacated space  available for  more sinister elements to occupy to exploit the  sentiment of alienation. Majority of Kashmiris  may have reconciled to the   non-negotiability  of the  border and the  LAC  between India and  Pakistan,  and slogan of  Azadi    gradually fading away ; fact , however, remains that there are  number of issues  in the State which  need to be sorted out to the satisfaction of people. They certainly cannot be resolved by playing one  mainstream political party against the other; or resorting to the musical chairs  while bestowing political affection.  Indian Government will have to believe in federal structure of the Union. Kashmir makes it highly imperative.  Legal integration is must but it is not  ‘be  all  and end all ‘.  Alongside , political and psychological  integration  has to  be insisted upon . Over centralized  political system which operates through chosen favourites at various times will not work; it hasn’t  worked in the past. Governance must start at the lowest end and democracy should function at the Panchayat level.
Mobilisation success seen at the time of Panchayat elections  should be matched with institutional  success of democracy at the gross root level. You cannot  go on with denying true democracy to the people. Like elsewhere in India    J&K too has a  burgeoning young middle class, for whom there is a need to enlarge carrier opportunities. Voices  raised in various regions and sub-regions of the State, airing  social and economic differences, have to be  removed  by a homogenising narrative  with  the fair distribution of state largess.
(The author is former Principal District & Session Judge.)