Men, Matters & Memories
M L Kotru
No rewards on offer. It was crystal clear from day one, after Jammu and Kashmir voted the way it did. A tantalising verdict it was. The only thing that stood out in an otherwise uncertain scenario was that the largest single party, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed’s People’s Democratic Party and the Bharatiya Janata Party, the second largest, would have to come together, overcoming their prejudices, reservations, if the politically divided State was to have a stable Government. It eventually took them some six weeks to work out their differences; for the BJP it was its known aversion to do business with the Valley-based political parties, whom for reasons well-known, it has never learned to trust, given its ideological commitment to the Hindu majority Jammu region of the State, and for the PDP the fear of the BJP’s reservations on certain issues relating to the State’s constitutional position.
In particular the national party appeared to have developed a mental block of sorts to doing business with it. This in spite of the excellent rapport the former BJP Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee had developed with Mufti Sayeed, the PDP leader, who had served as Union Minister in Rajiv and V.P. Singh Governments – as Home Minister in the latter – and was Chief Minister of the State, part of which coincided with the Vajpayee era in Delhi.
The party, as was evident during its poll campaign brought its distrust of the mainstream parties in the Valley, including the PDP, into full play, particularly in the campaign it ran in Jammu. To go by the campaign rhetoric of the BJP, which saw the party big guns lambasting the Valley-based parties – even as it hopelessly put up its own candidates in the Valley (all its nominees losing their deposits as well).
It had in the immediate post-poll days seemed unlikely that the two major parties would agree to take the plunge and agree to form a coalition. In more senses than one the differences had seemed so sharp, a consequence no doubt of the very nature of the mandate delivered by the record turnout of voters in the polls to the State Assembly.
In the event, it appears the very nature of the outcome may have made the inevitability of a tie-up clear to the two parties. Come what may they had to get together to pull the State out of a likely deadlock it was headed for.
The two together are about to undertake the responsibility for undoing the damaging potential of the most fractious poll outcome which has in it the seeds of the constituent units-the Muslim majority Valley, the largely Hindu Jammu and a Buddhist Ladakh falling apart, if you will. The differences between the two unlikely allies which had seemed unbridgeable have mercifully been resolved.
To the Mufti’s credit it must be remembered that he did not take to the BJP’s scorched earth approach that marked the latter’s Jammu campaign, which saw all kinds of BJP leaders pillorying the mainstream leadership in the Valley. Instead the Mufti was careful enough to praise Narendra Modi’s Chief Ministership of Gujarat, suggesting that all Chief Ministers should try to emulate Modi’s emphasis on development. This couldn’t have pleased the Mufti’s constituents in the Valley but overall it enhanced his stature Statewide, including significant pockets in Jammu which should now stand him in good stead.
But in terms of alliance that have emerged so far, the BJP seems prepared to soften some of its most enduring positions. This process of give and take shows remarkable political agility, but could it also raise new tensions? The concerns of a party in the State Government may not dovetail neatly with the posturing of the ruling party at the Centre.
Take Article 370, perceived to be one of the “core issues” that define the BJP. It has long demanded the scrapping of the constitutional provision which gives Jammu and Kashmir a certain degree of autonomy, and its manifesto ahead of the Lok Sabha polls had staunchly reiterated the demand. Though the first signs of flexibility came when Narendra Modi called for a “debate” on the issue in a campaign speech, talks with the PDP point to an even more radical compromise — under the proposed agenda, Article 370 would be considered “inviolate”.
On dialogue with Pakistan, the Narendra Modi Government has been no pushover. When the Pakistan High Commissioner in New Delhi held meetings with Kashmiri separatist leaders, the Centre promptly called off Foreign Secretary- level talks. Now, the BJP in Jammu and Kashmir acknowledges the need to engage and may be open to the idea of bringing the Hurriyat to the talks table which would indeed not be a departure from the past.
Modi’s vision of developing India can’t be fulfilled if there is tension in the region. Even an ordinary travel advisory from a major country in case of tension can cause a lot of negative outflows of capital, something which is not in accord with his programmes such as “Vikas” and “Make in India”.
Given his handling of the country’s foreign relations, impressive on the face of it, it is only natural that he should in the near future pursue the objective of mending relations with Islamabad. Mufti’s experience in this regard, both during the Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh tenures, should come in very handy, as indeed would the Mufti’s commitment to building bridges between India and Pakistan.
Much as we would like to wish away the Kashmir dispute the truth is that we are committed to its resolution bilaterally. On the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, a softened BJP appears more willing to consider phasing out the law from Jammu and Kashmir. This may not exactly meet popular expectations in the Valley but is indeed a step forward.
The agenda for the alliance between the People’s Democratic Party and the Bharatiya Janata Party will face unprecedented tests in the weeks and months ahead. For it to survive the challenges ahead of them, both the PDP and the BJP will have to work in a spirit of mutual accommodation. The BJP in particular will have to keep its Jammu flock on a tight leash. There is no room in such an unlikely alliance for them to come out with silly sloganeering like “ek pradhan”, “ek nishan”, “ek vidhan”. In Modi’s words there are great challenges of development ahead of the State, currently ranking among the most ill-served in terms of industry and overall development.
Mufti Mohammad Sayeed is a seasoned old campaigner with vast experience as an organization man, an administrator and one who is fully conscious of the opportunities and challenges ahead of him over the next six years of his Chief Ministership.
It is good for the evolving relationship between the two political parties that they know where exactly to draw a line when it comes to delivering on people’s aspirations. The Mufti’s is the greater challenge in that he has political rivals, mainstream and separatists, waiting for him to falter.
Here again it must be admitted, though, that Mufti Sayeed is an old hand, politically and as an administrator, to be distracted by minor or major irritations. The presence of the ruling party at the Centre in his coalition is an advantage which one expects him to exploit fully in the cause of advancement of the State -Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. All three regions could do with a lot of Central help. Of specifics, another day!
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