K N Pandita
Name of Book : Rajatarangini of Composite State of Jammu, Kashmir & Ladakh from 1846 AD to 2019 AD
Author of Book : Dr K Jeerath, IAS
Foreword by DrKaran Singh,
Pages 728
728-page history accounting for 173 years (1846 – 2019 AD) of Kashmir history, is a stupendous work demanding extraordinary perseverance and sustained articulation. The complexity of the theme and the deftness with which it is handled, make the volume unique among scores of histories of J&K written so far.
Though the title suggests that the history of an ancient geographical entity — previously called Kashmir but Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh’ after the structurization of the region into a State by Maharaja Gulab Singh in AD 1846 — does not fall within the ambit of the work, yet the introduction filling 22 pages, succinctly but satisfactorily, caters to more prominent aspects of ancient history and geography of Kashmir.
A discrepancy usually noted in the published histories of J&K is about the superficial treatment meted out to the antiquity of the Jammu region. True, the geographical and cultural entity of Kashmir has figured in Hindu scriptures more frequently than Jammu, but that is no justification for underestimating the historical significance of the Jammu region even if the nomenclature is of more recent origin. I think this is the first historical work that has tried to dig deep into the history, culture and socio-political connectivity between the ancient Jammu region and the adjoining Himachal uplands and Punjab plains.
J&K histories tell us the story of Maharaja Gulab Singh as the founder of the modern state of Jammu and Kashmir without projecting the background of his eminence and rise. But for the first time, a spacious view of the political and social scenario of the vast geographical region spanned between Chandrabhaga and Bias, its principalities, satrapies and warriors, etc.have been unfolded by the author which enriches the past of the state and its contribution to the Indian civilization. He touches upon the adventures of great Kashmirian king Lalitaditya of the 8th century ADwho was the first king to incorporate this strategic region into the fabulous Kashmir kingdom of ancient times. Maharaja Gulab Singh replicated Lalitaditya’s adventure.The author has traced the mention of the region in Indian epics and its connectivity to the Harapan civilization. His contention is that 52 kings of Kashmir whose record is lost were from the House of Puran Dev of the Jammu region.
The author eloquently expresses Jammu’s emotional attachment to the nationalist struggle; Shaheed Bhagat Singh had made the Ved Mandir of Jammu a workplace for the freedom fighters. The sacrifices of the Dogra soldiers in World War II, their role as members of Netaji’s INA, their participation in the freedom of Goa and their role in Kashmir in resisting the tribal attack in 1947 all add to the glorious history of the people of Jammu region. Out of 22 pages of the Introduction, 12 pages are devoted to the contribution of Jammu. It is a unique and rich fund for researchers to make deeper studies of ancient Jammu region.
The story of the birth of the State of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh is spread over 20 pages which gives a completely new picture in the shadow of which Dogra ascendency under Maharaja Gulab Singhs’ command was given direction. The ground situation at the Sikh Durbar following the departure of Maharaja Ramjit Singh and the signing of the Treaty of Amritsar (p 40 seq)has received unprecedented elucidation. We are told that the British had offered Jalalabad against Ladakh to Maharaja Gulab Singh but he rejected the offer. The author has gone into lengthy detail about the court intrigues at the Sikh Durbar in Lahore which could have been eschewed. The author often indulges in long and insipid details of certain events which do not in reality have any bearing on the happenings in Kashmir and these could have been avoided.
Since Ladakh and Gilgit Baltistan regions were annexed by Maharaja Gulab Singh, the author has given interesting details of the exploits of celebrated Dogra warriors in the cold and inhospitable regions in the Himalayas.In the context of China’s ambition of not recognizing the McMahon Line, the author holds Nehru responsible for many blunders. He says that as early as 1956, China had built a 1200-kilometre-long road connecting Yarkand with Gartok. Nehru knew it but just kept silent. Dealing with the details of the 1962 war with China, the author has reproduced a copy of Nehru’s letter to President Kennedy asking for military and air power assistance. This reflects the ugly face of Nehruvian pro-Russian and socialist predisposition (p 100).
The main content of the book is the chronological account of the rulers or Prime/Chief Ministers of J&K state beginning with Maharaja Ranbir Singh, about whom, the author has faithfully recorded his efforts of bringing a semblance of modernity to the polity and society. Maharaja Ranbir Singh’s interest in revival of Sanskrit learning and pathshalas, his cordial relations with the Crown, role of Dewan Kripa Ram and his role in the course of the Mutiny of 1857 (p 116), introduction of Ranbir Penal Code, two councils for two regions of Kashmir and Jammu, police administration, health reforms, fiscal system, public distribution system (shali store). and communication etc. have been very admirably traced.In short, the author has projected Ranbir Singh as a benevolent and progressive ruler. Nearly 66 pages of the book have been devoted to Maharaja Ranbir Singh, which I think is an exhaustive study of this ruler.
Maharaja Pratap Singh’s reign (1848 – 1925) was a long struggle between the ruler and the suzerain power over the issue of placing a British Resident in Srinagar. The British never lost sight of northern areas, Gilgit, Hunza, Nagar etc. as strategically crucial to their British Indian empire. The rise of the Bolsheviks in Russia and their activities deep in southern Central Asia had caused concern to the British Indian rulers. Maharaja Pratap Singh was accused of hobnobbing with the foreign agents and thus he was disarmed for some time. The story of the perfidy has been very vividly told by the author.The exciting story of the construction of the Durand Line agreement which Amir Abdul Rahman of Afghanistan had also signed gives a peep into the vision of the British colonialists to cut the wings of the Kashmir ruler. A few works of public utility undertaken under the orders of Maharaja Pratap Singh also find space in the narrative.
An interesting chapter with the heading ‘Role of Women and Lord Mountbatten’ is something that is missed by ordinary historians. Three women, namely Pamela Plowden (p 206-7) – the cherished mistress of Winston Churchill, Mary Kak, the British wife of Premier R C Kak (p.210) and Edwina Mountbatten (p. 214), the wife of Lord Mountbatten are mentioned to have impacted the narrative of India’s freedom movement. This narrative fills about 34 pages of the book and is entirely new research or interpretation of their respective role.
The author has done justice to Maharaja Hari Singh and exonerated him of all criticism heaped on him by the leaders of the so-called freedom struggle in Kashmir. A rational and unbiased view is taken of his urge for reforms in administration and his goodwill for his subjects. Along with the analysis of the administration of Maharaj Hari Singh, two prominent leaders of the Congress, namely Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel crop up. Except for the Hindi work of Prof Agnihotri, no detailed history of Maharaja Hari Singh’s reign has been written, stray articles notwithstanding. I think that the method employed by the author for describing the positive aspects of the Maharaj’s reign so far remains the most authentic statement on this ruler. It is a travesty that Maharaja Hari Singh has been wronged more by the so-called nationalists than by his political detractors. The betrayal of Maharaja Hari Singh is the darkest spot of the post-independence history of India.
The author has made a good effort in culling material on the political scenario in J&K a couple of decades before the formulation of the National Conference and its activities. I consider this portion of the work of much significance because a good deal of lies and canard have been spread by biased historians to mislead an unsuspecting reader. The author has put the record straight.
Sheikh Abdullah gets 34 pages of notice including his early life, as leader of the Muslim Conference, shifting to National Conference, his association with Congress and Nehru and more importantly his role when power was handed over to him by Nehru on 28 October 1947. The author has overt as well as covert appreciation for the mission and the achievements of the Sheikh. He appends the sobriquet “Jenab” to his name as a mark of special respect. He counts his “achievements” during both of his stints and profiles him not only as the tallest and the overarching personality but also finds his policies conducive to the interests of the state. He creates an impression of New Delhi not being fair to him. But quite strangely, he avoids some crucial questions about the Sheikh like his blackmailing the centre by issuing threats of breaking accession if his demands were not met or his secret meetings with Adlai Stevenson, the American ambassador or Chou En Lai, the Chinese leader in Algeria, or his undemocratic and arbitrary method of administration as depicted by Maharaja Hari Singh in his letters to Sardar Patel.
Very unfortunately, the author has been harsh and unjust to Bakhshi Ghulam Muhammad by recording only negative points about him. Even the detractors of Bakhshi acknowledge that he was the real builder of modern J&K. However, he does reflect on the scurvy and shameful treatment that Nehru and his Congress meted out to Bakhshi. It has to be remembered that the foundation of separatist ideology among the valley majority community was laid the day Bakhshi was ignominiously ousted from power and relegated to oblivion. Writing an unbiased history of Bakhshi should be a priority for all nationalist and patriotic historians of our times.
In evaluating the role and rule of G M Sadiq as the Prime/Chief Minister of J&K, it should be said that the author has been very courageous and honest in dissecting Sadiq’s communal propensities under a socialist mask. The reservation rules, his role in the Parmeshwari episode, rampant corruption, vengeance against the Bakshi and his ultimate coming closer to Sheikh Abdullah all expose the dark side of his character. But somehow, he had managed to establish close relations with the Indian Left and through that channel with Nehru. One of the reasons why Nehru ousted the Bakhshi ignominiously was his decision to induct Sadiq into the government.This is one of the many disservices Nehru did to Kashmir though his good works eclipse the darker side of his personality.
The author has a low opinion about Mir Qasim but while discussing the rule of Dr Farooq Abdullah, his election of 1987 and 1996 etc. he is silent about the abuse of free and fair election and intimidation of voters. There is nothing worth mentioning in terms of development in J&K during the rule of Farooq except that bribery and corruption, and decline in moral values became rampant. The role of Farooq in closing his eyes to the anti-national and Jamaati Islami elements becoming more and more influential and powerful is regrettable. Thousands of Jamaat Islami darsgah teachers were absorbed in government service and they, later on in the 1980s, became the nuts and bolts ofthe anti-India propaganda machine in Kashmir.
There is nothing noteworthy in the administration during the rule of either Omar Abdullah or Ghulam Nabi Azad except that they,together with partisan elements swayed by self-aggrandisement, became the instruments of looting billions of rupees worth of state land under an illegal and unethical law called the Roshni Act.
In conclusion, I may say that this is a very comprehensive history of the period under discussion and the details and corollaries are of singular interest. Sometimes the author has outstripped the boundaries of the theme he has been dealing with and this could have been eschewed without damaging the objective of writing the history. This is the first exhaustive as well as comprehensive history of J&K which no honest researcher of J&K can afford to ignore. The author has been a former bureaucrat and his official position must have helped him in accessing the sources and libraries or archival material which ordinary researcher may not be able to do. I must congratulate the author for his facile pen and good command of the English language which are assets for any historian. This work is a valuable addition to the K&K historical fund.
(This book can also be purchased from Gulshan Books Residency Road, Srinagar)
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