Ranbir Singh Pathania
‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’ is all set to enter valley of Kashmir. If we go by theatrics of floor-managers of Congress, it appears they would set Tawi and Jehlum on fire.
As per the press-brief of J&K Incharge of Congress, it will be joined by the members of Gupkar Alliance – National Conference, PDP, Awami National Conference, CPI (M), so on and so forth.
Althrough the length and breadth of the country, Yuvraj of Congress has been at the best of his wits and elocution to amuse people by his antics and attire. More so, he is trained and fed from behind the scene to dig up local issues too.
It is in this very backdrop with all humility and responsibility at my command that I seek to put forth following principal questions to the Yatra managers and its mascot:
What is the stand of Congress on Article 370?
Once Congress has decided to share the podium with PAGD, a rag-tag conglomerate stitched up overnight with a singular objective of seeking restoration of Article 370, Farooq Abdullah has sought help from China in restoring Article 370. A sitting MP of NC is petitioner in the Supreme Court in a bunch of petitions seeking restoration of Article-370 in its original form. And Mehbooba Mufti on record to say, “Who is doing it? Why are they doing it? I have no doubt in saying that there will be no one to hold the national flag.”
The provision was inducted in the Indian Constitution on personal persuasion of Jawahar Lal Nehru. It is again an open secret that Sardar Patel, B.R Ambedkar, Hasrat Mohani and many other distinguished members of Constituent Assembly opposed it. Anyhow it was said that it is a temporary provision. Some four decades later, the Congress’s Prime Minister, Narasimha Rao, said about Article 370 ‘Ghisti Ghisti Khud hi Chali Jayegi’.
Article 370 conceptualized a ‘State within a State’. J & K, as such, was allowed to have its own Constituent Assembly, Flag, Constitution, Prime Minister and Rajpramukh/Sadar-e-Riyasat. And except the notified subjects, no central law could be applied hereinover unless it was ratified by the Legislative Assembly of J & K.
Time bears testimony that insertion of Article 370 for a single Muslim-majority state of J & K was more misinterpreted as ‘peanuts-worth price for going with India’. A concession was rather painted and projected as a compulsion.
The dogma of special status was turned and twisted into an instrument of ‘politics of fundamentalism, blackmail and deceit’. Kashmir Pandits turned out, Sikhs massacred, worst hatred against Shia and Pahari Muslims, Buddhists looked upon a second-class citizens. Fundamentalist frenzy, bigotry ruled the roost amongst assertions of establishing a Nizam-e-Mustafa in J & K.
Although mentioned as a ‘temporary provision’ it started with Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, and a saga of countless sacrifices and agitations to create an atmosphere for deactivating this ‘article of deception and deceit’ from the Constitution after almost seven decades.
Banishing the all-popular Maharaja : Why did Congress dethrone Maharaja Hari Singh and sent him to exile and entertained and acknowledged a purely divisive narrative of Muslim Conference (Presently National Conference). Nonetheless, bonhomie with Sheikh Abdullah was ephemeral. In 1953 his government was dismissed and he was jailed. This love for Sheikh Abdullah erupted once again in 1975 when government was offered to him on a platter while he had not even a single MLA in the Legislative Assembly.
Fiddling with peoples’ mandate in JK: – Congress at more than an occasion disturbed popular leaders and government in J&K. The biggest threat to democracy was the fad of running J&K through puppet governments with nose strings plucked directly from Delhi Darbar. Popular Chief Ministers, Bakshi Ghulam Mohd, Shams-ud-Din and Syed Mir Qasim, were shown the outdoor despite the fact that they had popular support of people and MLAs too.
Bakshi Ghulam Mohd had taken up the thread from dismissal of Sheikh Abdullah and stood up tall against Pakistan. Syed Mir Qasim’s clean, responsive governance and his landmark address in United Nations elaborating Indian standpoint on Kashmir still stand tall on the political firmament of the country.
Once again Farooq Abdullah and then GM Shah governments were brought down while conspiring from behind the scene. Farooq Abdullah, lately, fell in line. And the black chapter of 1987 elections ensued. Another pimple over the ulcer. People’s voice was muzzled. Elections rigged in a most brazen way. The frustration and anger of youth afforded a breeding ground for armed insurgency.
Exodus of Kashmiri Pandits – Will Congress explain how they presided over and rather sat like a fiddling Nero while Kashmiri Pandits were killed, raped, pillaged and ultimately driven out of their homeland.
Unilateral ceasefire and ‘soft pedalling with China’ – Who guided the then Congress Sarkar and Nehruji to declare unilateral ceasefire and take the matter to UNO. Almost one third area of J&K still lies in illegal occupation of Pakistan. And another one-third including Aksai Chin and Shakasgam valley in illegal occupation of China. Nehru had once said on the floor of Parliament that not even a blade of grass grows in Aksai Chin.
Who, with all fanfare and melodrama, coined the slogan ‘Hindi Chini Bhai Bhai’?
Does it not amount to whittling away the gains of conquest of Ladakh in 1834?
Is it not a fact that Rajiv Gandhi foundation received 50 lakhs rupee from Chinese embassy leading to cancellation of its FCRA?
* Who sat over the employment and ‘acquiring of land’ rights to Valmikis, Gorkhas and daughters of J&K married outside J&K.
* Who held political reservation to STs in denial till today?
* Who dilly-dallied on ST status to ‘Pahari kabeela’?
With all these questions ringing shriller on the political horizon of J&K, let the organisers of Bharat Jodo Yatra respond. Let there be a free and fair debate on as to how Congress harmed to the people of J&K.
And why should the Yatra be not called as ‘J&K todo’ rather than ‘Bharat Jodo’.
(The columnist is member of J&K Legislative Assembly and practices law in the J&K High Court)
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