Anil Anand
What has changed between February 27, 2021 and July 31 the same year so far as veteran Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad, the leader of the now almost defunct Group 23 rebel leaders, is concerned? On both these dates he came visiting his home state, particularly the Jammu region where the Congress still has foothold despite successive electoral defeats.
Yes in between the two visits lot of water has flown down rivers Tawi and Chenab which are the identity of the region. Yes a lot has changed even so far as the rebel group popularly known as G23 is concerned, in the interregnum.
On his February visit Mr Azad had come to his home turf, where he is among the tallest political leaders alongside National Conference patriarch and Lok Sabha MP, Dr Farooq Abdullah, to flex his muscles. He came in the company of a battery of G23 top leaders including former Haryana chief minister, Bhupinder Singh Hooda, Congress’s deputy leader in Rajya Sabha, Anand Sharma, former Union Minister, Kapil Sibal, Manish Tiwari, MP, cine-star turned politician, Raj Babbar and Rajya Sabha MP, Vivek Tankha among others.
The line-up for show of strength was star-studded and perfect. Mr Azad, fitting the occasion, gesticulated and flexed his muscles to deliver a strong message to the Congress high command. This exercise assumed significance in the backdrop of denial of yet another term in Rajya Sabha to him and had even set the tongues wagging that Mr Azad, known for his steadfast commitment to the Gandhi family, might embark on a new political experimentation. Since then the G23 has propelled itself in a mood to call it truce with the party high command, with many of its members having gleefully accepted work assigned to them.
The fact that Mr Azad has a steady support base, more so within the state Congress, was reaffirmed when his supporters turned up in great numbers to welcome and hear the G23 leaders. How many of them would have actually backed him had Mr Azad decided to walk out of the party, is an interesting and now a hypothetical question.
In this backdrop and on the eve of the second anniversary of the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35 A that gave special status to the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir subsequently divided and demoted to a Union Territory, Mr Azad again visited his home state and the selected place naturally was Jammu. Unlike the previous visit, Mr Azad came all alone to a tumultuous reception by his supporters both within the Congress and other sections of the society.
Unlike his previous visit when, quite contrary to his soft and affable approach, he fumed and fretted to deliver a message to the quarters concerned in Delhi, Mr Azad was his usual self this time around. It seemed his latest visit was planned with twin purposes of remaining present in his home turf on the eve of second anniversary of the annulment of the special status, and more importantly to gauge the mood of his party colleagues and public at large in the midst of talk of likelihood of an early assembly election.
Contrasting his discourse of February visit, Mr Azad this time was more comforting with words and actions. He tried to play an elder statesman of the Congress as prior to landing in Jammu he gave a clarion call that he would meet any and everyone during his three day stay. The obvious reference was to the rival Congress faction which currently controls the Pradesh Congress Committee, and create a congenial atmosphere before entering the election arena.
His call did have a salutary effect and attracted many, other than the Azad loyalist camp, delegations to meet him. Since the design of the interactive exercise was based on meeting party delegations from all the 37 assembly constituencies of the Jammu region led by the prospective candidates, it was clear that he had his eyes riveted on the still to be declared elections. The election prospect and the fact that Mr Azad remains to be the sole vote catcher for the party in Jammu and Kashmir, resulted in some from the rebel camp also coming to call on him.
It is still not clear as to how and in which capacity the Congress will use his services in the impending election, Mr Azad’s visit definitely had a purpose to convey the sense of his indispensability from the party’s perspective which he has over the decades systematically built to ensure that there was no challenge to his leadership. The situation of his indispensability and “no challenge to his leadership” in the Union Territory is much stronger at present than earlier.
There were ample indications to suggest that ever since his February visit to Jammu, Mr Azad had found himself aloof from the party affairs in this region since his G23 move had created an air of distrust. He had little or no say in the J and K affairs as a result of which the factional rumblings grew louder.
Although decimated to the status of a Union Territory (UT), the assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir are very crucial both for Mr Azad as well as the Congress. For personally Mr Azad good performance by Congress under his stewardship would help him rejuvenate his political career even in the twilight. A resurgent Congress doing well in the elections could pave way for another chief ministerial term for him. Or else, the route to his another Rajya Sabha term also starts from the new UT assembly.
The prevailing ground realities strongly point towards the fact that Mr Azad remains to be the Congress’ safest bet. His presence would not only galvanise the party organisationally but create strong chances of a coalition, in the event of the party failing to garner majority on its own, to checkmate the BJP which is still trying hard to find its feet in Kashmir region and is facing strong incumbency and leadership deficit in Jammu.
Although Mr Azad seems to have already called a truce and the high command had reciprocated by appointing him chairman of a committee tasked to oversee relief distribution work related to COVID-19 pandemic. It is still to be seen whether he would be trusted to be given a great say in the party affairs in J and K. The only factor going in his favour strongly is that he is indispensible and that the Congress has no alternative to him to lead the party into elections.
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