Pushp Saraf
The sensational and unprecedented hijacking of a train along with its passengers on March 11 has once again brought into sharp focus the disturbing reality that Balochistan, one of the four provinces of Pakistan, is fraying at its seams. The brazen act has exposed, in no uncertain terms, Islamabad’s weakening hold over a territory that is both geographically vast and politically volatile. The attackers retained control of the Jaffar Express – which was traveling from Quetta to Peshawar – for a staggering 36 hours, leaving the country stunned and security institutions scrambling.
This latest incident is not an isolated one. It is a grim milestone in a series of violent disruptions that are increasingly highlighting the deep-rooted alienation of the Baloch people. Tariq Khosa, former Inspector-General of the Balochistan Police, captured the despair in an editorial in Dawn, a leading English-language daily. He referred to Balochistan as “a living hell,” listing “inequalities, unfairness, socioeconomic distortions, and violations of rights and justice” as the fuel behind the fire.
The Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), a separatist group designated as a terrorist organisation by both Pakistan and the United States, has claimed responsibility for the hijacking. The BLA, in recent years, has resurged with a vengeance. While its tactics-marked by violence and bloodshed-are deeply controversial, there is growing evidence that its cause resonates with many in the province who feel betrayed and abandoned by the state. Local support for BLA was evident when activists of the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) stormed a hospital morgue to recover the bodies of BLA fighters who had died in the train standoff. This symbolic act served as a powerful gesture of defiance and solidarity.
Among the most prominent faces of this wave of defiance is Mahrang Baloch, a physician by training and now the most visible female figure in the Baloch movement. Her arrest under the Anti-Terrorism Act and the Pakistan Penal Code has sparked widespread protests across Balochistan and in cities like Karachi. Mahrang’s rise is especially significant in a region where women have historically remained in the background of political life. Her leadership, however, is far from symbolic; it reflects a shifting tide in Baloch political consciousness.
Another bold act of protest came from Sammi Deen Baloch, a fellow activist who staged a demonstration in Karachi, fully aware of the likely consequences. She was arrested and held in custody for a week before her release on April 1, an event that further energised a protest movement increasingly defined by non-violent yet confrontational tactics in its pursuit of justice.
The protests have taken on a more structured political form under the leadership of Sardar Akhtar Mengal, a former Chief Minister of Balochistan and an ex-Member of the National Assembly. As head of a faction of the Balochistan National Party (BNP-M), Mengal has positioned himself carefully between the armed insurgents and the Pakistani state. He has launched an indefinite sit-in (dharna) after being denied permission to conduct a “long march” in support of the arrested Baloch leaders. Mengal has made it clear that he will not back down until the detained women, including Mahrang, are released.
His dharna, which began in his hometown of Wadh, has reached Mastung-a region with a troubled history of insurgency. The march itself was targeted by a suicide bombing near Mastung, although there were no fatalities. Addressing supporters at the site, Mengal declared, “We face no threat from any group, but we do from the state.” His indictment of the Pakistani government could not have been clearer. He reiterated his commitment to non-violent protest and even offered to surrender himself in exchange for the release of the detained women.
The local administration, however, remains unmoved. It has warned of legal repercussions if the march continues. Meanwhile, the protest camp in Mastung remains active and tense, with thousands rallying under the BNP-M banner.
The train hijacking, which saw 440 passengers held hostage and resulted in the deaths of 21 non-Baloch individuals and all 33 BLA militants involved, represents more than a tragic event – it is a symbol of the total breakdown of trust between the state and a large segment of its population. The targeting of passengers based on ethnicity-especially Punjabis-and the unrelenting attacks on Chinese nationals working on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) are grim reminders that the Baloch insurgency has both a local and geopolitical dimension.
CPEC, heralded by Islamabad as a game-changer, is viewed by many in Balochistan as a project that brings little benefit to them while exploiting their natural resources. From Gwadar to Saindak, local communities argue that they have seen few economic dividends from the billion-dollar investments flooding the region. Instead, they see checkpoints, surveillance, and increasing militarisation.
While Pakistan has made some gains in its counter-insurgency operations, the insurgent groups continue to evolve. The BLA, which consolidated into a more coherent organisation on January 11, 2022, has splintered into including the Bashir Zeb and Azad groups. Other outfits such as the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) and United Baloch Army (UBA) also remain active. According to a report by the Islamabad-based Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), Balochistan was the most violent region in Pakistan in 2024. The Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies (PICSS) echoed this view, identifying Balochistan and adjacent Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as epicenters of insurgent violence.
Interestingly, the capture and subsequent surrender of two senior BLA leaders – Gulzar Imam and Sarfraz Bangulzai – in 2023 were initially touted as a major breakthrough for state intelligence agencies. Yet, these developments did not translate into a decline in militant activity. Instead, new leaders have emerged and continued the armed struggle with renewed intensity. The surrender of a few individuals, it seems, has not broken the organisational backbone or the ideological commitment of these groups.
Observers and analysts increasingly argue that the root causes of the insurgency lie not in foreign conspiracies, as is often claimed by the establishment, but in decades of state neglect, economic exploitation, and human rights abuses. Balochistan is rich in natural resources, including gas, gold, copper, and rare earth minerals. Yet, the people of the province remain among the poorest in the country. Schools are scarce, hospitals underfunded, and infrastructure crumbling. Worse still, there are frequent reports of enforced disappearances, extra-judicial killings, and a general climate of fear.
Until these underlying grievances are acknowledged and addressed in a meaningful way, the insurgency is unlikely to subside. Balochistan may remain a restive, wounded province, whose people feel more alienated than ever from the idea of the Pakistani state. The events of March 11, and everything that has followed, are a stark warning – not just of instability, but of a growing sense of estrangement that no amount of military force can suppress.
As protests continue to unfold and voices like Mahrang Baloch and Akhtar Mengal become more prominent, the Pakistani state stands at a crossroads. It can either continue with its coercive policies or choose a path of dialogue and reconciliation. What it decides will shape not just the future of Balochistan, but perhaps the very idea of Pakistan as a federal and inclusive nation.
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