Rekha Chowdhary
How can one see the year 2021 from the perspective of democratic politics? What were the highlights of the year? Would the year go down the history with certain momentous situations? The year 2019, for instance, is etched in the memory and history of J&K for ever – this is the year when the special constitutional status of J&K was abrogated and the state was reorganised. Year 2021, certainly did not match the year 2019 in that regard but there have been certain important situations which will be referred to!
If one has to choose the most momentous moment of 2021, it will be better expressed through an image – the image of the Prime Minister Modi standing amidst all the political leaders of J&K along with the Home Minister of India. This image was reproduced not only in the national media but it was to become the highlight of the international news as well. Its importance lay in the multiple messages that it conveyed. Of the first messages that the image conveyed was that it was a turning point both from the perspective of Government of India as well as from the perspective of the mainstream political leaders of Kashmir.
From the perspective of Government of India, it was an ice-breaking event. After the August 2019 changes and bitterness and resentment shown by the mainstream leaders, especially those based in Kashmir not only to these changes but also to their prolonged detention – this was first high-level political initiative taken by the Prime Minister of India to engage these leaders in dialogue. `it was a major signal that the Government was ready now to initiate the political processes in J&K. Although the elections to the District Development Council held earlier were meant to give that signal, but the message this time was that the Government of India was now ready to hold the election for the Assembly and facilitate the formation of government – ending the administrative rule that had been imposed since July 2018.
Seen from another perspective, this Image was also an acknowledgement of the continued relevance of the mainstream political leaders, particularly of Kashmir. The All Party Meeting gave them a place of honour. The same leaders and their political parties were earlier declared to be irrelevant and redundant as the Central government had declared the end of ‘dynastic’, ‘corrupt’ and ‘inefficient’ political class, following the August 2019 changes. The Central leaders had at that time, expected the rise of new political elite and new leadership in Kashmir. The election to the District Development Councils (DDCs) was organised with that expectation. However, this expectation came to a naught after the DDC elections. The APM, therefore was an acknowledgement of the fact that there was no change in the political class and that one may like it or not, the traditional mainstream parties like NC and PDP are going to be important players in the democratic politics of J&K. The image of the PM standing in cordiality with the leaders of these parties – was therefore not only a message of imminent initiation of the political processes but also of the continued relevance of the traditional Kashmir-based parties.
From the perspective of the Kashmir-based mainstream parties and leaders, this image reflected an important statement about ‘moving on’. Till now these parties and leaders were struck up in the politics of resentment over the August 2019 changes and even though these parties had participated in the DDC elections, their major concern remained centred around the restoration of Article 370. Their rejection of the political processes initiated by the Centre was reflected in their refusal to recognise the Delimitation Commission. That’s the reason that the Associate members of the NC had refused to meet the Commission when it called its initial meeting. However, by agreeing to meet the PM, they had given the first indication of moving beyond that politics and showing flexibility. In the APM, these parties did not raise the issue of Article 370 and showed their willingness to participate in the political processes without the condition of restoring of the special conditional status. It was following this meeting that the representatives of the most of the political parties not only met the Delimitation Commission but also started preparing for the ensuing elections. Hectic electoral activities that took place in the UT in the later months with competitive political rallies – was the one of the major outcome of the APM.
If there was another thing that happened in 2021 which could be seen as ‘historical’, it was the Draft Delimitation Report that was made available in the later part of the year. What is historical about it was that it had specific implications for the representative politics. For the first time in the history of J&K’s electoral politics, a number of assembly constituencies were reserved for the Scheduled Tribes. As proposed by the Draft Report, 9 seats were recommended for the STs – mostly comprised of the Gujjars, Bakerwals and the Gaddis. This community was granted the ST status in 1991 but was not given the benefit of the political reservation. Though politically the community was considered an important constituency and each political party sought to woo it for the purpose of votes, however, in the absence of the political reservation, the community felt discriminated – especially in comparison to the provision of political reservation for STs elsewhere in the country.
Already, the political reservation was provided in the Panchayati Raj Institutions and its advantage could be seen during the recently elected District Development Council when a large number of ST candidates (38) including women could formally represent the community. However, having 9 ST seats in the constituent Assembly is seen as a significant development by the Gujjar-Bakerwal community.
Draft Report of the Delimitation Commission, was also ‘momentous’ for Jammu region as its share of seats within the Legislative Assembly was increased and the gap in the legislative representation between the two regions was reduced. Of the seven more seats allowed for the UT, six were allocated to Jammu region and only one allocated to Kashmir region. In sum, as the outcome of the Report, Jammu region will be getting 43 seats in the 90 members’ Assembly as against 47 seats of Kashmir region. The difference between the two regions that stood at 9 seats till now, has been reduced to 4 seats only. Although the political class in Jammu region has expressed its resentment that there is no political parity between the two regions and Kashmir is still having larger number of Assembly seats compared to those of Jammu region – this recommendation is going to have far-reaching implications for the politics of the UT on the one hand and the inter-regional balance of power, on the other. After the August 2019 changes, this is a significant change with all-embracing implications.
Tailpiece
Another important development of the year 2021 may be noted – the phenomenon of ‘free movement of political leaders from one party to another’. This may not be seen as ‘historical’, but it was certainly a phenomenon which peaked in 2021. Though the phenomenon had started much earlier (and the formation of Apni Party was a clear reflection of this phenomenon), the process of abandoning the political parties with which the political leaders had been associated for long time, was accelerated in 2021. Soon after the election of DDC elections, there was lot of shifting around and it continued throughout the year. On the whole, more than 40 senior members of parties including even ex ministers and legislators – shifted parties in last three years – but many of these shifted in 2021. The effect of such shifting of the parties was felt mostly by the PDP and the NC. So much devastated has been the PDP that it is now almost bereft of senior leaders. Many of the senior leaders of the party including the founding members of the party have left it. The beneficiaries of such movement have been three parties – the Apni Party, the People’s Conference and the BJP. Initially in Kashmir, it was the Apni Party which attracted most of these leaders and in the more recent months, it is the People’s Conference that has become the favourite. BJP, of course remains the most favourite choice in Jammu region.
Of all the inter-party movements, what qualifies as the most radical one – is the shifting out of the two stalwart leaders of NC to BJP. This being ‘radical’, not only because the Provincial President of the NC decided to move but also because ideologically the NC and BJP stand in opposite poles. Seen from both the perspectives, it was an interesting phenomenon, reflecting the realities of the time.
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