Shiban Khaibri
Fragility of coalition arrangement of governance could also turn the events like we have been watching in our country for a few days which must have come as a surprise to many while dismay to all for fear of setting in a period of instability as a result of what has been unfolding on the country’s political horizon. The expectations of a coalition partner can go to this extent of having the foreign policy of the country scripted on regional or even parochial considerations could neither be accommodated nor supported keeping in view country’s commitments , diplomatic , political, neighbourly as well as economic. We, as the largest democracy of the world and as a fast developing country, militarily and economically, cannot allow belligerent neighbours to take diplomatic advantage on account of our wavering and inconsistent foreign policy and impliedly allow them occupy the space in Sri Lanka, which is not only our immediate neighbour but has old, historical relations with this country, cultural, religious, economic and even linguistic. This fact of the matter, the central government unfortunately could not convey to its coalition partner, the DMK as in the recent past to the ruling Trinamool Congress Party too in West Bengal in respect of water sharing arrangements with Bangladesh on the Teesta River issue. The art of persuasion, convincing and co-option is cardinal to a government in any country but the Prime Minister has failed to demonstrate and deliver the same to its allies in the government as a result of which the dispensation travels from one precarious situation to yet another. How could the government afford to concede to the demand that India could go ahead to introduce amendments to the US resolution in Geneva that would condemn Sri Lanka , what the DMK brands, as genocide and press for an international probe to bring war crime perpetrators to justice ? We could hardly offend our neighbour when our involvement of help of whatever nature is there on record in helping Sri Lanka contain various avoidable violent activities of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to put its point of view through and when even we had to pay a heavy price in the shape of the assassination of our ex-Prime Minister. Nevertheless our sympathies are for the innocent victims of Tamil, Singhalese and other groups of Sri Lanka as a result of escalations.
Citing various shortcomings of the government especially on containing inflation, the Prime Minister has, on umpteen occasions, cited the compulsions of coalition as the reason of inaction and in deference to such “compulsions”, as many as three senior most Union cabinet Ministers can postpone attending to immediate and pressing problems concerning their respective departments and instead rush to Chennai to placate the DMK Chief not to leave the coalition. The Congress party even went to this extent of suddenly upping its rhetoric on Sri Lanka Tamils and promised to do “all that it could to salvage the Tamil feelings and their rights” but it proved of no avail and DMK pulled its support of 18 MPs and its five Ministers as a result, resigned from the cabinet. He did not budge and was adamant to his decision to withdraw support to the UPA2 government saying that the government had not only allowed US draft resolution to be diluted but also failed to consider implementing amendments suggested by his party, the DMK. He held the view that the government had created such a situation “that will in no way benefit Sri Lanka Tamils while every one wanted the UN and the UNHRC to analyze the situation in a fair manner and take an appropriate decision. On the contrary, according to him, India opened its doors for anti democratic activities and “no Tamil with self respect will accept it”.
It may sound strange that the three Ministerial group did not think it feasible to call on the Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa even in the form of a formal or a courteous way as if the “cause” was solely a monopoly of K. Karunanidhi or that of the Congress party. The CM was apt in her reaction to DMK’s support withdrawal by saying,” M. Karunanidhi is covering up his betrayal of Tamils. He deceived the people of the state “. She suggested to the Prime Minister to take a strong stand. She reminded Karunanidhi that in 2009 when Eelam war was at its peak , instead of pulling out his nominees from the Union cabinet or withdraw support to Central government , he “enacted a drama of three hour fast “, had he withdrawn support at that time , Sri Lankan Tamils would have been saved.” The veteran CM of the state further said that Karunanidhi did not press the centre for the implementation of a resolution adopted by the state Assembly in 2011 which had demanded economic embargo on Sri Lanka and that those engaged in war crimes to be brought to justice.” Just to cater to the apparent aspirations of Karunanidhi, the UPA2 government even made a belated U turn by even calling off defence secretary level talks with Sri Lanka which was to take place next week in a bid to dissuade M. Karunanidhi from pulling out of the alliance over the Sri Lanka issue. But he did quit ostensibly more as an alibi to exit than for the Tamil issue. Putting a brave face after the exit of the DMK, the Manmohan Singh government claimed that there was no threat to its government. The Finance Minister assured that the government was stable and enjoyed majority in the Lok Sabha having 543 members.
Now the government is squarely dependent on the twin support of the two regional parties of UP, the SP and the BSP who in their conventional compulsive rhetoric, are doing it not for any love lost for the UPA2 but ” only to keep the communal forces out” , a statement of convenience which has not only over stood its repetitive usage but is seen an easy outlet for seeing their problems vis-a vis CBI cases getting “resolved”. Both of them shall try to extract favours. It is again ludicrous to note that both these parties not only are antagonistic to each other but both are fighting Congress in Lok Sabha and state assembly elections. Even the CM of UP is nursing the national ambitions, brighter as they look to him, for emergence of an elusive “third front” with his party, the Samajwadi Party doing a replica role in the dispensation as that by the Congress in the UPA2. The Congress is to gauge the mood of the Samajwadi Party Supremo Mulayam Singh on daily basis to ensure “stability” on day to day basis. It shall remain on tenterhooks with quality of governance plummeting and much required economic decisions, at times harder ones, going to be in freezer box when the rupee is in a precarious position, our foreign exchange reserves far from satisfactory so much that as per some conservative estimates are sufficient just for our seven months’ import bill. The economic condition of the country is the worst in comparison with its 17 year record.
Contradictions and loss of cohesion in the government are galore and can be seen by just two instances following DMK’s pulling the plug. One is that of Union Minister Beni Prasad Verma in alleging that the SP Chief was “getting commission” as price of its extending support to UPA2 and the other is about the CBI’s raid against DMK Chief’s son Stalin. Either there is no control of the PM on the Ministers or as per practice; any statement given by a cabinet Minister is tantamount to the official policy of the government. He was persuaded by the Congress Chief, the Vice President, the PM etc; to tender an apology to Mulayam Singh but the latter wants his sacking. It is not an ordinary charge and needs to be gone deep into. The second one is about conducting of raids on the premises of Stalin, the son of Krunanidhi within 48 hours of the DMK withdrawing the support to the government. Kumaraswamy the Minister in charge swears he did not know about these raids, the PM, the FM, the Parliamentary affairs Minister, even the Director of the CBI all claim ignorance about “who authorized these raids” and that these raids “have been ordered to be stopped” has made the position of the government precarious in that it has openly and unambiguously acknowledged that such raids are “authorized and stopped ” by the government , then it lends credibility to the charge of the opposition that the CBI needed to be an autonomous body. Numbers’ game is a gamble wherein ethics and morality, sincerity and fearlessness, governance and performance and the glory of the institution of the government are at stake. It is better not to survive than surviving like this.
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