Lalit Gupta
Zafar Choudhary’s latest book “Kashmir Conflict and Muslims of Jammu” is a landmark piece of scholarship due to the fact that it is the first ever informed focus on the identity and profile of Muslims of Jammu region over a period of more than hundred years while locating them viz a viz Kashmir Conflict.
Based on critical readings of records in state and national archives, already published literature on Kashmir imbroglio along with eye witness accounts and interviews with survivors of the Partition holocaust, political activists and community leaders and further supported by demographic and economic statistics painstakingly culled down from census reports—Zafar Choudhary’s book presents an alternative discourse that traces since 1890s the journey of Muslims of Jammu in terms of their political attitudes and socio-economic profile in relation to Kashmir conflict.
The book, written by the young journalist, policy analyst and independent researcher and son of the soil, is a welcome eye opener for all stakeholders both inside and outside the Jammu and Kashmir along with number of self styled ‘Kashmir experts’ who have mushroomed dime a dozen in last 70 years.
Divided into nine chapters, Zafar Choudhary’s book traces the position of Muslims of Jammu in historical as well as contemporary contexts to fill in the long-standing gap in understanding regional and community dynamics while providing new insights in understanding the Kashmir problem.
The chapters “Jammu and Kashmir: The Artificial Unity” and “Jammu: Profile of the Region”, dwell upon historic antecedents and responses of different regions which in 1846 were amalgamated with formation of the modern state of Jammu and Kashmir. The various measures initiated by Dogra rulers to hold regions together including formation of Gilgit Agency, biennial Darbar Move with Srinagar as summer capital since 1872, and growing disenchantment of Kashmiris and agitation against autocracy in 1930 are dealt in detail.
The chapter “Muslims of Jammu: Pre-1947 Setting” gives a comprehensive account as to how Muslims were placed in undivided pre-1947 Jammu Province particularly in relation to Dogra rulers, other communities within the province as well as Muslims of Kashmir. Growth of social reform movements and socio- political organizations like Arya Smaj (1875), Guru Sing Sabha (1893) along with home grown Anjuman-e- Islamia (1890s), Dogra Committee (founded by Lala Hans Raj and Sahibzada Hazrat Aftab Shah along with aspirations of Sikhs and Muslims for equitable opportunities in education and government employment, which lead to formation of Sikh Youngman Association (1918) which along with now revived Anjuman-e- Islamia made representations to the Maharaja, are put in detail.
There is a full account of pre and post-1931 movement developments, formation of Young Men Muslim Association (circa 1928) with Choudhary Ghulam Abbas as one of the founder members and Jammu Muslims’ first political contact with Kashmiri leaders of movement against autocracy.
Formation All India Majlis-e-Ahrar, Ahrar volunteers from Punjab in support of Jammu Muslims which flamed clashes in Reasi, Rajouri and Mirpur and wave of violent unrest in western parts of Jammu resulted which led to appointment of Grievances Commission on 12 Nov 1931, the protests in many places and uprising of Bherote area of Rajouri, where 25 Muslims were killed, also stand focused.
With establishment of ‘The Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference’, the Kashmiri and Jammu Muslim leadership came together on one platform. But Sheikh Abdulla’s strong articulation to include Hindus in the movement under the influence of Indian National Congress, led to schism between Sheikh Abdullah and Jammu based Muslim Conference leaders. Nonetheless the alliance between Muslim leaders of two regions held through the developments such as setting up of Constituent Assembly, its elections, Sheikh Abdulla’s closeness to Indian National Congress, his attending annual session of INC at Tripura and finally naming of Muslim Conference to National Conference in 1939. The Jammu Muslims leadership aligned to Indian Muslim League, disassociated itself from political movement of Kashmir, exited the National Conference, and reinvented Muslim Conference in 1942.
With “resistance politics now polarized along the regions”, there were different responses of MC and NC to imminent division of the country. The NC which had launched Quit Kashmir Movement wanted maharaja to quit and hand over the power to the people, while Jammu Muslims wanted a ‘responsible government’ with maharaja as its constitutional head and also favored an independent J&K.
In the chapter “1947: The Bloodletting, Partition” the author seeks to correct the hitherto distorted picture of carnage unleashed upon Jammu Muslim with Jammu region as its epicenter: The ‘unnatural division’ of erstwhile princely state, which led to communal violence in which Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs were killed, and thousands of families on both sides of the LoC were displaced, the author emphasizes it was Jammu province and especially Jammu Muslims who suffered the maximum.
The chapter “Post 1947: Assessing te loss”, offers an in-depth account as to how the ceasefire lines which divided of state into two parts also brought geographical and demographic changes that reduced the once majority of Jammu Muslims to an unsung minority.
In post-1953 scenario of emergence of Praja Parishad and heightened political atmosphere in Jammu against the “secessionist tendencies of Kashmir Muslim leadership” which subsequently led to greater “constitutional integration of Jammu and Kashmir with India”, not only assuaged but also “reconciled the anxieties of the Jammu Hindu sentiments”. The end to politics of agitation in Jammu also relieved Muslims from the fear of communal backlash to a large extant. But they continued to suffer discrimination and disadvantage in jobs and promotions in Kashmir centric government.
In the chapter “1965: Turning Point”, the author in unequivocal terms points out that how “Muslims of undivided Jammu province had favored Pakistan against India, and contributed in delivering a third of J&K to western dominion”. But in the following years the umpteen proposals to solve the J&K problem such as standpoints of Nehru, Sheikh, US Plan, Dixon Plan, Triste Model, Chenab Plan, 1962-63 Indo Pak Talks, Rajaji Formula—all created a feeling of uncertainty among Muslims especially those of Poonch and Rajouri, who felt as pawns on the chessboard of the settlement of Jammu and Kashmir issue between India and Pakistan. On the socio-cultural side the divided families on both side, rendered meaningless the Line of Control due to constant crossovers.
It was in 1965, after feeling cheated by being left high and dry by overnight disappearance of the Pak sponsored Razakars, coupled with “operation clearance’ launched by Indian army to flush out remaining Razakars and large scale migration to Pakistan by many natives of Poonch and Rajouri altered the course of Muslim political aspirations.
The chapter “End of Ambivalence”, chronicles rise of militancy in Kashmir, its overflow across the Pir Panjal in mid 1990s and exodus of Muslims and Hindus from villages to towns in of hill districts of Jammu region. But militancy did not become a wide spread phenomenon as majority of Muslims of Jammu barring those of Doda district, restricted local youth to join ranks with militants. This chapter also focuses upon massacres of Hindus between 1996 and 2001, in Doda and Rajouri districts.
The “tension between the Hindu and Muslim relationship did not exacerbate as it was common knowledge that local Muslims were not involved in any major way”. The clear signals that Jammu Muslims are cold shouldering the Valley’s political discourse centered round Kashmiri nationalism, also created a feeling of undefined solidarity.
Last chapter “Socio-economic Profile”, portrays a clear picture of discrimination meted out to Jammu Muslims by successive State governments. The author has quoted statistics and tables to prove that how Jammu Muslims been systematically denied “representation adequate and proportional to their population in public affairs and spaces of visibility and significance” such as Secretariat, Police, Universities, High Court, Education Dept, Health services and other walks of life.
The book, a comprehensive socio-political account of Jammu Muslims in last hundred years ends with optimistic Epilogue which proposes ‘The Way Forward’ that includes Enhancing Regional Understanding, Pan India and Pan J&K Integration, Celebrating Unique Secular Identity of Pahari Speaking People, Cross-LoC Confidence Building, Political Empowerment of Communities, Economic and Human Resource Development, Secularizing the Administration and Designing Festival to Celebrate Diversity.
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