Political leadership crisis in Ladakh

Lobzang Chosdup
The interest articulation and aggregation of people is made by leaders and political parties in any democratic setup. However, these twin political principles are missing in the political culture of Ladakh. Moreover, one has to have certain qualities to become leaders. The general leadership traits are outspokenness, vision, conviction and oratory skills.
It is widely believed that Bakula Rinpoche played a selfless leadership role during his tenure. His contribution in every aspect of development in Ladakh is known to all in the region. Nonetheless, post Bakula, political processes of Ladakh witnessed a leadership crisis. Post Bakula, leaders’ contributions to Ladakh is characterised more by self-aggrandisement than development of the region. This piece tries to distinguish between Bakula’s contributions and his successors to the region of Ladakh. Though not comparable, it would give the latter a larger picture to improve and steps to follow for the betterment of Ladakh region as a whole.
Bakula’s Leadership
Ladakh under Bakula saw immense achievements which were regional in nature and were based on people’s interests. These should be exemplary and ideal for his successors; however, it could not be and will not be in foreseeable future too. His contributions are immense, but some important points are briefly listed here.
Being the highest Lama, he was respected and an honoured Rinpoche that Ladakh ever had in its history. If he knew the traditional knowledge and Buddhist philosophy but was  a novice so far as English and modern education is concerned. Despite this barrier, he could articulate Ladakh’s and its people interests both at the state and national levels. Having conviction and the feeling of Ladakhiness, lack of modern knowledge and language were not any barriers for Bakula Rinpoche. The fact that, he had good advisers and translators while in public service, helped him overcome these barriers.
In the state assembly, he was the first Ladakhi Member of Legislatively Assembly (MLA) who had spoken in Ladakhi language. Speaking in Ladakhi inside the assembly during the discussion is an example of the assertion of Ladakhiness in the state. Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) leaders have always tried to subjugate the identity of Ladakh within the state by imposing the majoritarian language and forming unitary state structure. Imposition of Urdu language and discouragement of Ladakhi language are the examples.
He lamented the Kashmiris leaders’ discrimination on Ladakh in regard to development and non-releasing of funds by terming it a step motherly treatment. Therefore, he demanded a separate department, called as Ladakh Affairs, to do justice to the region of Ladakh. The department still exists but unfortunately has always been manned by a non-Ladakhi minister continuously. In fact, the present leaders from Ladakh could not even have got the said department and the fact that this department has been manned by a non-Ladakhi shows their inability to uphold the interest of the region at the state level. He genuinely supported the demand for UT status for Ladakh and to an extent that he suggested merging Ladakh with Tibet or Himachal Pradesh (then undivided Punjab). Having friendly relations with the first Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, he was able to get land to build transit house for Ladakh now popularly known as “Monastery” or “Ladakh Buddha Vihara”, in New Delhi. It has significantly benefited all Ladakhis including patients, pilgrims, students and others. However, post-Bakula leaders could not upkeep this facility, and in fact there are also allegations that some parts of land has been sold to Tibetans. In order to study and preserve Ladakhi culture and Buddhism in Ladakh, he established the Central Institute of Buddhist Studies, (CIBS), an independent autonomous institute under the Ministry of Culture but after him the CIBS has not been able to come of age. His contribution in achieving Schedule Tribe for Ladakh cannot be ignored.
At the national level, he became the Member of Parliament (MP) representing Ladakh and subsequently he became the first Ladakhi to become ambassador to Mongolia. As an ambassador, he could establish good relations between Mongolia and Ladakh in particular and Mongolia and India in general. Thus, he could promote Ladakh internationally as well.
Post Bakula’s Politicians
Post Bakula, Ladakhi politics is characterised by no leaders but more politicians. The politicians who succeeded him have put their vested interest above the interest of Ladakh. His successors, however, have some leadership qualities; some are modern educated and speak English while others have oratory skills and honesty. But unlike Bakula Rinpoche, all of them lack conviction and a vision for the region of Ladakh and its people. Nevertheless, they evoke Bakula’s ideals and vision by celebrating his birth and death anniversaries and to that extent they ask people, particularly youth, to cherish the ideals of Bakula. They, as politicians, failed to cherish Bakula’s ideals and visions for themselves. Instead, they fight for power and position on vested interests than regional interests. This was clear during Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF) disintegration when personal interests and political position won over the broader interests of the region. This party used to represent the local voice to struggle for UT. Unfortunately, the party was dissolved because of clash of individual interests among leaders. Afterwards, the regional aspirations and interests were reduced to a sub-regional level. Ladakhi interests are now spoken about only during the elections with the main motive to befool people. They bring out these issues during election time to get elected to become part of state cabinet ministers symbolically and CEC of Hill Council. CEC becomes like a King of Leh without adequate power in hand.
Conclusion
Ladakh has strategic importance both for state and central government but the present leaders have not been able to articulate and reinforce its interests. Failure of the leaders have marginalised and neglected the region and put it away from the established discourse. The need of the hour is to look at Ladakh from a historical and geographical perspective than merely consisting of two twin districts with separate interests. Looking at Ladakh from the perspective of the region within the state would address the grievances which are regional in nature. Playing politics on vote banks is disastrous to the region and helps only the politicians who have vested interests. For broader interests they have to avoid vested interests and should emphasise regional interests. Getting divided between BJP and Congress is like subjugating ourselves to them. The division on party lines and polarisation on sub-regional lines between Kargil and Leh is crippling the development of Ladakh. While divided within and having pathetic internal condition, Ladakhis support on some issues internationally. For instance, Kargil supports on “Shia issues” in West Asia, Leh Buddhist supports the “Tibet issue”. P. Stobdan, former India’s ambassador to Kyrgyzstan, rightly laments that “political activism of Ladakh has not moved an inch in post-1989 and despite our pathetic internal condition,, still we support Tibet cause”.  A consensus is needed to reach between the leaders of Leh and Kargil on the broader issues of Ladakh to improve internal conditions.
While supporting or not supporting Tibet, Ladakh has to learn from Tibetan people that despite losing their territorial sovereignty, they could protect and preserve their identity and culture in exile. Ladakh being a part of democratic set up of India has neither been able to preserve culture and its identity and nor been able to champion regional interests at the state and national level. These are the result of lack of leadership in the post-Bakula period of Ladakh. The younger generation leaders hopefully would provide better political leadership while looking at Ladakh from the prism of region than twin district and vested interests to develop Ladakh holistically.
(The author is pursuing PhD from JNU, New Delhi)
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