Sandeep S. Sandy
The recent opposition by separatist quarter, an ambivalent position taken by the Kashmir based mainstream political parties and the stalemate of government formation in the state somewhere again brought the intricacy of West Pakistan refugees problem (WPRs) into the limelight.
The case of WPRs which has specifically been magnified in the post- insurgency phase of the state has not correctly been presented to erase the fear, instead has been used and sandwiched between the religious and regional politics of J&K. It is, therefore, essential to put their issue in proper perspective for meaningful evaluation by the people both in and out of the state.
It is in the years of Partition that people living along the Border( in pre-partitioned Punjab) fled to this(erstwhile J&K) side of the border which later on emerged as international border of around 120 Km runs from south (Kathua) to north (Akhnoor) between India and Pakistan. The historical situation and facts of 1947 and proper explanation of demographic hypothesis will answer many unwarranted questions concerning West Pakistani refugees (partly settled along IB between India and Pakistan) in the state of Jammu and Kashmir.
In order to understand the present row over WPRs we essentially need to revisit the origin and context associated with the problem. As a matter of fact, the movement (migration) of West Pakistani Refugees toward Jammu in 1947 was natural owing to their cultural proximity and family’s ties that exist along both side of the border. Despite that they were leaving for Punjab and it was Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah who personally visited and convinced these people to stay here along the IB in Jammu. They would not have yielded to Sheikh’s request had they slightly guessed what they have to face in the State in the future.
As per the interaction with the locals and historical facts, he (Sheikh) did it for two reasons. One, it seemed hard for the then available meager security agencies of the state to save the life and property of the people from the robbers and smugglers who used to infiltrate effortlessly from Pakistan side owing to porous border that exist between both the countries. Second, after the migration of Muslims to other (Pakistan) side from many villages along the border, both vacant and fertile land started growing as jungle. On the other hand, the contours of the movement led by Sheikh against the monarchy in the state of J&K and his personal position toward the marginal community (as most of them are lower caste people) created a soft and sympathetic response of the state toward these refugees. The reason that land may become barren if not cultivated was one of the reasons. This was something which transpired between the tallest leader of Kashmir and unfortunate community (WPRs) of Jammu during the juncture of partition.
On the other hand , the recent debate on demographic change (which is based on fear either real or imaginary) concerning granting citizenship right to the WPRs in the state of J&K genuinely carries many layers which need to be presented to the people for their meaningful judgment. The points which are being highlighted subsequently are not at all reflecting humanitarian plea taken by the many peace builders and saner element of the civil society.
Generally, in our world, the three visible facets of this fear (demographic change) are the subsequent share in jobs and admission to the professional colleges, right to vote and change through vote and share in land. Let us do naptol to these three primary fears one by one in the pendulum of real or imaginary setting in the context of J&K state.
First, the aspect of jobs and admission to the professional colleges and universities is one of the key issues which makes the basis of uneasiness all along the regional and religious line in the state of J&K. whereas, in case of WPRs, granting citizenship will not hamper atleast those from where the opposition is coming . It is so as more than 80% of the WPRs belong to lowers castes of the Hindu society and therefore, any kind of impact in terms of job share and admission to professional colleges will be from the share of the SCs(reservation quota) and therefore, will not impact any other sections of the society in the state.
Second, on the matter of right to vote, it is significant to understand that the community essentially staying along the IB in the plains of Jammu which incidentally covers nine assembly constituencies of the state legislature i.e., Kathua, Hiranagar, Samba, Vijaypur, Bishnah, R.S. Pura, Suchetgarh, Marh and Akhnoor. This aspect of demographic change is again imaginary and wrongly positioned. One, as the community (WPRs) gets distributed along nine assembly constituencies and therefore, will lose the critical mass for making a substantial change. Second, these constituencies have been mainly and essentially the Hindu constituencies in Jammu and therefore, any change will not be a change in the composition (religious) of any subsequent assembly in the state. On the other hand, while carrying the Indian citizenship, they are already casting their vote for the two parliamentary constituencies of Jammu.
Third, on the matter of share in land, they have already been allotted smaller chunk of land by the then Sheikh regime. The allotment had been done on two types of land one, the land left behind by the Muslims. Yhose who left behind the land during the chaos of 47 and two, the available vacant land in the villages along the international border. It is also vital to understand that those left during the impasse of 47 mainly settled in the Sialkot and other villages and towns of Pakistan and properly granted and Pakistani citizenship. Therefore, in such situation, whatever meager land they (WPRs) have been allotted is not going to be claimed by those who own this land before 1947. Moreover, the settlement of these unfortunate people by both the countries in the post- 47 has largely been done by granting each other’s land and therefore, both Hindus and Muslims state subject of J&K should not try to politicise these abnormal but unavoidable situation of these mutually settled people along both side of the international border. Furthermore, the allotted land has been divided many times among the families. This has already pushed them to the wall. In many cases, their land has also come under the border fencing and therefore, further marginalized them in term of land and their livelihood. In addition, the war of 65, 71, and sustained firing along the border, consequent unusual migration is extraordinarily making them the victims of conflict.
Keeping in mind the ground situation and the vulnerability of this marginal section, it needs to be asked whether the application of demographic frame is justifiable in case of WPRs or is it being done just under the shadow of political tightspot?
(Starline Syndicate Service)
(The author is a Scholar in University of Jammu)
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