Time for a Dogra Chief Minister

Dr Varinder Sharma
The complex history of J&K has often been defined by political alliances, ethnic tensions, and the struggle for identity. The upcoming elections in J&K mark a critical moment in the region’s future, especially in the context of the alliance between the Congress Party and the National Conference. This collaboration is a repeat of history, and its impact on the unity, integrity, and economic well-being of the UT should be examined with caution. However, what is most crucial for the people of Jammu is the possibility of electing a Dogra Chief Minister, a long-overdue opportunity for the Jammu Division that has played a key role in shaping the cultural and political landscape of J&K but has been sidelined in the political process for decades.
The term “Dogra” in its broader sense transcends any specific religious community. The Jammu Division exemplifies a socially cohesive society where people from various religions and sects live together in harmony. Unlike Kashmir, which is predominantly home to more than 97% of people from one religion, Jammu has always embraced diversity with open arms. The presence of various colonies in Jammu, each reflecting concentrations of different communities, stands as a testament to the openness and inclusivity of the locals. All the permanent inhabitants of Jammu Division, regardless of their religious background, are considered Dogras, representing the rich cultural tapestry of the entire region. Jammu’s welcoming spirit is further evident during the harsh winters, when large numbers of people from Kashmir and Ladakh flock to Jammu, treating it as a second home. This tradition of warmth and acceptance is a defining feature of Jammu’s Dogras.
Even during the rule of the Dogra Maharajas, there was no discrimination in terms of development between the Kashmir and Jammu regions. For instance, while SMGS Hospital was established in Jammu, SMHS Hospital was set up in Kashmir. Similarly, if SP College was founded in Kashmir, the Science College was built in Jammu. The first power plant in J&K was established at Mohra in the Boniyar area of Baramulla, Kashmir. These are just a few examples of equal development efforts, and the list of such initiatives is extensive.
However, the situation changed significantly after 1947. Under Kashmir-centric regimes, most development projects were allocated to Kashmir. The establishment of the Regional Engineering College at Hazratbal, SKIMS at Soura, SKUAST Agricultural University, and Tourist infrastructure were all concentrated in the Kashmir Valley. Meanwhile, Jammu lagged behind, with no engineering college until 1994, when GCET was finally established after KP migration. Even the Jammu Railway Station came into existence only due to logistical challenges faced by the army during the 1965 and 1971 wars. Jammu’s medical infrastructure was overstretched, with the GMC Jammu bearing the brunt of healthcare needs. Professional college admissions and job opportunities also leaned heavily towards Kashmir. However, whenever J&K was governed by non-Kashmiri rulers, such as during periods of Governor’s Rule or coalition governments reliant on Jammu MLAs, the Jammu Division received more equitable attention and development.
Historically, the Congress-NC alliance has been a cornerstone of J&K politics since the days of Jawaharlal Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah. Their relationship started when Nehru developed a strong affinity for Sheikh Abdullah, leader of the Muslim Conference, later renamed the NC. This relationship, however, was fraught with complications, largely due to the Sheikh’s oscillating stance on J&K’s future. His Quit Kashmir movement in 1946 against the Dogra rulers showcased the deep-rooted tensions in the region. Despite these frictions, Nehru’s enduring friendship with Sheikh Abdullah led to significant political developments, including the controversial Article 370, which granted special status to J&K. The two leaders entered into the Delhi Agreement in 1952, which defined J&K’s constitutional relationship with India but also sowed the seeds of ambiguity and discord. The alliance between Congress and NC over the decades has seen many ups and downs. The Sheikh’s desire for an independent Kashmir or at least a semi-autonomous status was apparent throughout his political career. His arrest in 1953 marked a turning point, but subsequent accords-the 1975 Indira-Sheikh Accord, followed by the 1986 Rajiv-Farooq Accord – kept the coalition alive. Unfortunately, these alliances have often led to political instability, unrest, and erosion of trust in the political process.
The legacy of the Congress-NC partnership has left deep scars on the socio-political and economic fabric of J&K. The frequent political manoeuvrings, corruption, and failure to address the core issues of the region have led to cycles of violence and disillusionment among the people. The 1987 elections, infamous for allegedly being rigged, sowed the seeds for the insurgency that erupted in the late 1980s, leaving a trail of devastation and mistrust. The Congress-NC alliance, instead of fostering stability and development, has often been accused of playing on religious and regional sentiments, further deepening the divides between Kashmir and Jammu. The Jammu Dogras have been consistently marginalised in the power-sharing arrangements. The issues of regional discrimination, neglect of development in Jammu Division, and a disproportionate focus on the Kashmir Valley have long been points of contention.
Jammu and Kashmir’s political history is marked by numerous strategic shifts and turning points. Maharaja Hari Singh’s forced exile and the eventual rise of Sheikh Abdullah signalled the start of a transformative era, leaving the state on a trajectory that would define its future. The merger of the NC with Congress, the formation of the Plebiscite Front, and the eventual return of Sheikh Abdullah to power as Congress Chief Minister shaped the political narrative of J&K, each move altering the course of governance. The dismissal of G.M. Shah’s government to reinstate Dr. Farooq Abdullah further deepened the complexity of the region’s politics. The aftermath of the 1987 assembly elections was pivotal, as it led to the eruption of terrorism and migration of the Kashmiri Pandit community, which pushed development into the background. Despite brief returns to democratic rule, Jammu and Kashmir struggled to garner stability. The political ascent of Mufti Muhammad Sayeed, from DNC to NC to Congress to Janata Dal Home Minister and founder of the PDP, brought further shifts. His coalition with Congress in 2002 and the later BJP-PDP alliance in 2015 again reshaped the state’s political landscape. Eventually breakdown of the government when the BJP withdrew its support for the coalition.
Governor’s rule returned before the historic abrogation of Article 370 in 2019, leading to the creation of two UTs. This shift brought a focused crackdown on terrorism and separatism, with bans on organisations like Jamaat-e-Islami and restrictions on cross-border trade. The results have been a significant decline in unrest, with the return of peace, a boom in tourism, and unprecedented development projects, including train to Kashmir and the Delhi-Katra expressway. Over the last five years, these efforts have marked a new phase in the governance of J&K, fostering growth and stability in the region.
The upcoming elections hold significant importance for the future of J&K. Manifestos are filled with promises, from the restoration of Article 370 to the removal of the Public Safety Act (PSA), showing that some Kashmir-centric politicians may not have fully absorbed the lessons of the past. Instead of prioritising peace and development, the pursuit of power appears to take precedence.
In politics, as the saying goes, there are no permanent friends or foes, and a range of political alliances and combinations are always possible. Over the decades, J&K has seen various alliances, including Congress-NC, Congress-PDP, and BJP-PDP, each taking its turn in governance. In fact, even PDP and NC came close to forming a coalition in 2018 before the legislative assembly was dissolved. Today, the political landscape is even more complex, with new players like Altaf Bukhari’s Apni Party, Engineer Rashid’s AIP, Ghulam Nabi Azad’s DPAP, and Jamaat-e-Islami as independents, all capable of delivering unexpected electoral outcomes. Regardless of the final political combination, history shows that peace, stability, and development tend to take precedence under non-Kashmiri rule. Peaceful 100 years of Dogra Rule was far better than turbulent 70 years post independence mayhem. Practically, whenever an unbiased development agenda is prioritised, every region of J&K stands to benefit.
In the present scenario, for the Jammu Division, this election presents a unique opportunity to assert its leadership role. With only a four-seat difference between the Kashmir and Jammu divisions, the potential for greater political influence is within reach. Given the current peace and development across the region, all political stakeholders should carefully consider this moment. The time is ripe to advocate for a Dogra Chief Minister, as the past five years have demonstrated that the people of Kashmir also seek peace and progress. For peace and development, a Dogra CM is the only way forward.
(The writer is Co-convener of Professional Cell J&K BJP)

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